《台灣社會研究季刊》 第115期:

【一般論文】

少數族群、國家治理與日常生活:以日本帝國殖民下的東臺灣阿美族人為例(1895-1945)/楊士範、温榛榛115 109.4 1-75

日治以來,東臺灣被殖民官員規劃成為日本內地移民的天堂。施添福教授將日治時期的西臺灣的發展稱為「第一臺灣」,亦即「資本型的殖民地」特色。東臺灣的阿美族與卑南族的生活世界,則被稱為「第二臺灣」。殖民者意圖並施行內地移民東臺灣的「內地化東臺」計畫。所以「第二臺灣」,也就是以「移住型的殖民地」為其特色。日人的內地人口與東臺灣的圈地運動,無形壓迫到阿美族等平地原住民的生活空間。相對於第一及第二臺灣,山地原住民的生活世界被稱為「第三臺灣」。因著日本帝國對山地社會的封鎖政策,所以被稱為「封鎖型殖民地」。「第二臺灣」的阿美族與卑南族,日治以降的社會發展方向,漸漸與山地原住民(「第三臺灣」),相去漸行漸遠。本文試圖考察日本殖民帝國二個治理術之主要層面,去探討日治時代以來,殖民政策及其執行,對於阿美族人社會及文化產生的重大改變。第一個層面,日人政策展現於公共領域層面,其影響阿美族群體之公共生活秩序;另一私生活層面,日人透過社會教化手段,影響阿美族家屋空間安排及其生活作息。除此之外,本文亦將兼具由下而上的社會史學觀點,指出殖民文明化政策下阿美族人的聲音,尤其文化衝突下所觸發的不滿,以及因此引起的地方日常生活抵抗。

關鍵詞:日本殖民帝國、國家治理、阿美族、社會教化、日常生活

Since the Japanese occupation, colonial officials have planned the east of Taiwan to be the immigration paradise for people from Japan. Tien-fu SHIH called the development of western Taiwan during the Japanese occupation as “the First Taiwan”, with characteristics of “capitalist colony”; the east of Taiwan, where Amis and Puyuma People live, is called “the Second Taiwan”. The colonizer intended and implemented the project of “Japanization in the east of Taiwan” for the immigrants settling in such area. Therefore, “the Second Taiwan” is famous for its characteristics of “settler colony”. The immigrant population from Japan and the enclosure movement in the east of Taiwan have imperceptibly make the Amis people and other lowland indigenous peoples experience oppression in their living space. Compared to “the First Taiwan” and “the Second Taiwan”, the realm of indigenous people living in mountains is called “the Third Taiwan”. Because of the Japanese Empire's blockade policy against the mountain indigenous peoples, “the Third Taiwan” is also known as “blockaded colony”. The social development of Amis people in “the Second Taiwan” has gradually drifted apart from that of indigenous peoples living in mountains after the Japanese occupation. This study analyzes two levels of governance by the Japanese Empire in order to understand the colonial policies, their implementation, as well as the great change for Amis people in their daily lives. The first level is the public sphere, which influenced the ordering of public life of the Amis people. The other level is the private sphere, which influenced the private lives of the Amis people. In addition, this study also utilizes the perspective of new social history, highlighting voices of Amis people about their experience of civilizing policies of the colonial authorities, especially their everyday resistance at the local level caused by the cultural conflict.

Keywords: Japanese colonial empire, national governance, Amis, social education, everyday life

驅不走達悟惡靈的民主治理夢魘:蘭嶼核廢遷場僵局的政策史分析/張國暉、蔡友月115 109.4 77-149

本文以科技民主治理的觀點,分析蘭嶼低階核廢遷不走的困境、遷場政策背後的政治脈絡,以及經歷三次政黨輪替的政策史變化。對照國際趨勢,本文認為我國近三十年的「低階核廢處置政策」大致符合從專業壟斷、政治介入、民主參與,再到龐大利誘等原則的趨勢,只是政府的專業壟斷企圖直到近年才實質減低,讓政治介入及民主參與獲得較為實質的抗衡空間。本文分析指出,台灣核廢處置政策在威權時代的管制科學治理型態,是由政府上對下單向決定,政策制定過程排除達悟族人參與,到了民主化後國家為回應達悟族人訴求,2006年立法院通過《低放射性廢棄物最終處置設施場址設置條例》(簡稱《選址條例》),以法制化作為解決策略,卻因為核廢政策無法有效處理不同利害關係者之間認識論的衝突,沒有強化科技溝通與信任的社會基礎,反而陷入條文無法實踐的治理僵局。我們認為後常態科學下的科技民主治理是一個不斷溝通、協商與審議的過程,必須將民意與專家的政策協調過程視為民主審議的過程,深化在地永續價值及實踐方法,才能有效回應後常態科學下的挑戰。

關鍵詞:低階核廢、低放貯存場、低階核廢處置政策、達悟惡靈、民主治理

This paper examines the development of Taiwan’s policy of low-level radwaste (LLW) disposal through the lens of democratic technology governance and Taiwan’s political context. Taiwan’s policy evolution has largely paralleled that of other countries, having transited through the various stages of professional monopolization, political intervention, eventually toward democratic participation, and later financial incentivization. Before the lift of the Martial Law, a top-down approach was adopted by the authorities in shaping the policy, on the ostensible basis of regulatory science, with the space for decision-making only gradually opened up for greater democratic participation in recent years. Therefore, such hierarchical decision-making in the policy formation process during the authoritarian era persisted and bypassed the involvement of the Tao people – the inhabitants of the Orchid Island where the LLW was stored. Although the “Act on Sites for Establishment of Low Level Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Facility” was passed in 2006 by the DPP government after Taiwan’s democratization as a means to resolve the neglect of democratic participation, such regulatory amendments failed to account for the epistemological conflicts between different stakeholders nor did it strengthen the social foundation for technological communication and trust, resulting in further deadlock over the relocation of the LLW site through the late 2000s and 2010s. We argue in this paper that democratic technology governance under post-normal science involving a continuous process of democratic deliberation and consultation with the general public and experts is therefore central to the effective policymaking pertaining to LLW storage and disposal.

Keywords: low-level radwaste (LLW), LLW storage site, LLW disposal policy, Tao Anito, democratic governance
 
分析台灣主要報紙的兩岸新聞與言論:聚焦在《聯合報》(1951-2019)/馮建三115 109.4 151-235

解嚴以後,統獨作為支配兩岸關係的標籤走出地表,不再只是伏流,到了本世紀政黨輪替,《聯合報》在內的若干傳媒,更是遭致與其有競爭關係的同業,不正確地影射為統派報紙。分析《聯合報》六十餘年來的相關報導與評論,實可發現,該報有關兩岸的新聞與社論,並未固定不變,是反映了中華民國(台灣)國際政治地位的改變及其選舉政治民主化的增長。在1987年解嚴以前,所有主要傳媒包括《聯合報》,並沒有兩岸終將統一以外的立場,惟最早在1970年代,違反統一國策的兩德、邦聯與歐盟模式實已「靈光一閃」,至2000 與2001年,由於民進黨初次執掌中央政府行政權,以及國民黨一度有意將邦聯列入黨綱,有關邦聯的言說因此在報端相對頻繁地出現,《聯合報》尤其是各報中,最為穩定與持續呈現該主張者,原因之一是該報社論在這段期間有了變化。以前,《聯合報》是消極地負面表述,不接受一國兩制,同時善勸台獨不可行不可欲,從2002年起至今,該報轉向積極,提出了正面的主張,以「屋頂中國」等不同的修辭,認為兩岸應該共建兩岸關係的第三種概念,亦即由中華民國與中華人民共和國共同構成類似邦聯或歐盟的一個中國。

關鍵詞:聯合報、兩岸關係、一國兩制、台灣獨立、邦聯、歐洲聯盟

The dichotomic concepts of “reunifying with the Mainland China” and “getting Taiwan independent” has increasingly become dominant labels attached to future cross-strait relationships since the Martial Law was lifted in 1987. Some newspapers have alluded mistakenly that the United Daily News (UDN) is pro-Unification. This essay analyzes what the UDN, from its inception in 1951 to the present day, has reported and commented on the cross-strait relationships. Prior to 1988, the UDN was indeed pro-Unification which the state imposed and no media could disobey. However, as ROC on Taiwan suffered from diplomatic setbacks, coupled with domestic electoral democratization, the space was opened for proposing other options. Oversea scholars raised confederation and similar ideas in the 1970s and were amplified years later, particularly in 2000 and 2001 when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the Presidency and the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) attempted to put a confederation article into its Party Platform. As its consequence, relatively more discourses on confederation appeared in the press, with the UDN standing out as an outlet providing more such contributions while making a notable change of emphasis. The UDN editorials used to argue by negating two positions. !e Mainland China’s call for reunification through “one-country-two-system” has been firmly rejected, while in the meantime the UDN tries to convince people that an independent Taiwan state is neither feasible nor desirable. Commencing in 2002, the UDN has been asserting more frequently that a Chinese Confederation or Union should be the guiding principle that incorporates both ROC and PROC.

Keywords: the United Daily News, cross-strait relations, one-country-two-system, independent Taiwan, confederation, the European Union

 

【問題與討論】

「左翼失語」,還是被消聲的抗爭主體?/許寶強115 109.4 237-258

帝國的非物質遺留:論台灣與香港被占領經驗的異同/鄭鴻生115 109.4 259-283

 

【左異聲響】

走在政治歷史裡的婚姻路:以台藏婚配為例/龔尤倩、鄭小塔、莊惠玲(115 109.4 285-309

誰是合格的婚姻移民/龍煒璿、李丹鳳、張育華(115 109.4 311-333