《台灣社會研究季刊》 第36期：

戰後初期的台灣社會：階級、國家與媒體專題

一九五○年代的台灣階級結構與流動初探／王宏仁(36 民88.12 頁1-36)

本文首先探討台灣的省籍、教育與職業的關係。本文認為不同省籍家庭社經地位對下一代的教育與職業之影響，遠比國家教育補助政策重要，因此探討各個家庭社經地位的原初條件是解釋戰後省籍經濟地位差異的起點。1950年代可說是戰後台灣階層改變最劇烈的時候，因此本文集中在1950年代各階層的構成與流動的可能性。

This paper discusses the relationship between ethnicity, education and occupation in the first part. Regarding the ethnic educational and occupational difference, it argues that a family's socio-economic status is far more important in affecting next generation's mobility than state's subsidy policy. In the second part, it discusses the initial conditions of different classes which was formed by the state's policy in the 1950s. It tries to understand the life chances for different classes to mobile at that time.

國族想像的權力邏輯：試論五○年代流亡主體、公領域與現代性之間的可能關係／趙彥寧(36 民88.12 頁37-84 )

本文分析五年代公共領域中的敘事，以闡釋流亡情境與國家權力間的關係。分析的文本包括隨國府來台之中國流亡者的自傳、政治受難者回憶錄、反共文學、報紙新聞、及檢肅匪諜的政府文告。結論為，一，流亡者常藉由一代表「美好的過去」之物，以闡釋本質虛無的「當下」；二，「女性」對流亡者、及反共文宣，均佔特殊之地位：對前者，「母親」的象徵意義被等同於「故鄉」；對後者，「女匪諜」則被建構為共匪「不可自抑」的邪惡的代表。

Through analyzing cultural texts such as political propaganda, policies regarding and works of popular literature (as officially coined "anti-Communist literature"[fangong wenxue]or "literature and arts of combating"[zhandou wenyi]), as well as personal files of military personnel, this paper seeks to highlight linkages between exercise of state power, construction of public culture, and ramification of modernity in the fifties Taiwan—an era that is commonly termed that of "White Terror." In particular, it attempts to show these linkages as manifested in the constitution of the diasporic subjectivity. It argues that, through certain specific means on both levels of individual and collective identification, the diasporic subject of the fifties could manage to suture itself with the hegemonic state power, and the state could possibly imagine itself as the only legitimate representative of both mainland China and Taiwan. Of particular interest in this paper are means of "fisheye lens by detour of technology" and that of "developing pure evil through heterosexuality," as both coined by the author. In the former case, by detour of visions mediated through "modern technology," especially that should theoretically bring about continually accumulative product in terms of either life (such as that involved in constructing the Central Cross-Island Highway) or death (such as that of military forces), the grandeur of the state could be turned into spectacle and then identified by its subjects. In the latter case, by positing heterosexuality as the predicate of both virtue and authenticity, the pure evil of Communism could be made representable.

新聞紙的壟斷生產與計畫性供應，1945-1967／程宗明(36 民88.12 頁85-122 )

二次大戰後，台灣與世界同步管制新聞紙張的配銷，然而一項經濟物資的節約措施，卻夾雜了控制政治言論散佈的意圖。國府遷台後，用紙張不足為由進行報紙「限張」。然而新聞紙生產的管制，並非靠政府高壓的威嚇達成，而由國民黨透過「保護主——侍從」關係，趨使台灣工業資本支持政府以「禁止進口、官營獨賣、賺取外匯」作政策指導內涵。同時，國家計劃經濟進程，也以島內紙張高價來補貼外銷的損失，進一步抑制新聞紙消費的成長；新聞主管機構適時地開放「紙張上限」，更可使被扭曲的不公平競爭市場發揮效用，從高成本與低收益，雙面夾殺異議性報業，迫使其被侍從國府的資本兼併。

Though newsprint rationing was a worldwide common practice after the War, the Nationalist regime in Taiwan exploited it, coupled withan import substitute policy of newsprint production monopolized by the state, to achieve double political objectives. On the one hand, this party-state groomed a patrion-client relationship with local capitalists. One of the mechanisms involved is that some publishers' newsprint quota was more than their actual consumption levels, they therefore sold the difference in the market and made profits, such illegal behaviours then invite themselves to fall into a trap where they had no choice but to cooperate with the state. On the other hand, since the dissident press had to purchase newsprint at a higher price with insufficient advertising revenues, they ended up having to bring into capitals associated with the KMT and gradually lost their grip or even ceased publication.

一般論文

公民結社的結構變遷：以台灣非營利組織的發展為例／顧忠華(36 民88.12 頁123-146 )

台灣在解除戒嚴之前，並不是採取「極權主義」的統治方式，國民黨的「威權體制」允許市場自由，但對於民間非經濟性質的結社自由則有諸多限制，台灣當時不能說存在著足以與國家相抗衡的「公民社會」。解嚴後，最明顯的結構性變遷，除了政治民主化之外，非民間興起的結社風潮莫屬，許多非政府、非營利的民間組織紛紛成立，形成對各種公共政策的遊說團體，同時也提供福利服務，取代了部份政府的公共職能。本文擬以台灣非營利組織的發展為例，嘗試理解並詮釋此一現象所代表的文化意義，作者認為，結社是最直接表達公民意識的行動，也是社會自治的成熟度指標。因此，非營利組織愈活躍，意味著台灣逐漸出現自主的「公民社會」，這段經驗足以和東歐國家相比較，具有理論上和實務上的雙重重要性。本文將先回顧戒嚴時期的法令規章，分析公民結社受到何種壓抑。接著觀察台灣近十餘年來非營利組織發展的軌跡，以及其在活動上的特色。最後援引國內外的理論觀點，闡述非營利組織與社會自治之間互為表裡的關係，以證成台灣的「公民社會」與政治民主化同步形成，甚至對未來的發展具有更重大的影響。

關鍵字：結社自由、公民社會、社會運動、非營利組織、社會自治

Under Martial Law, although the Taiwan's government did not rule by totalitarism" and KMT's authoritarism" allowed the market freedom, it still imposed a lot of restrictions on civil non-economic associations. Meanwhile, there was not a civil society" to take balance with the state in Taiwan. After lifting Martial Law in 1987, besides the political democratization, the most obvious structural transformation" is the emergence of civil associations. More and more non-government, non-profit organizations are established. They try to affect many kinds of public policies, provide welfare service, and even replace some public functions of government. This essay attempts to understand and explain the cultural meaning represented in this phenomenon by the development of non-profit organizations（NPOs）in Taiwan. It is suggest that autonomic associations can most directly present the movement of civil consciousness, and be indicator of social self-governance. Therefore, while NPOs become more and more active, it means that there is gradually a civil society" formed in Taiwan. Compared with East-European countries, this experience has dual importance in theory and practice. About the framework of this essay, first, I will make reference to the legal condition of civil rightduring that time, and analyze the consequence of the suppression of civil activities. Secondly, I try to observe the track of NPOs' development in recent decades in Taiwan and their characteristics presented in the process of social movements. Finally, taking some theoretical perspectives from other researchers explains the interconnective relations between NPOs and social self-governing, to verify that Taiwan's civil society and political democratization were formed simultaneously, and to find out the possible contribution by which they provided in the future.

Keywords:freedom, civil society, social movements, non-profit organization (NPO), social self-governance

實現你的明星夢：台灣婚紗照的消費文化分析／李玉瑛(36 民88.12 頁147-186 )

與其用法蘭克福學派清教徒的道德觀點來批評大眾消費文化，倒不如把它放在社會文化的脈絡中來仔細分析之。本文把台灣的婚紗照消費視為一種社會實踐的過程，顯示台灣的女性消費者在結構的因素之下，不能免俗的大都進入婚紗照消費的殿堂。無疑的，台灣的婚紗照的消費不是憑空而來的，它與台灣的社會文化是一脈相成的。婚紗照消費的文化延續了傳統女性「被看」的本質和女性被「以貌取人」的待遇。但是女性也並非完全被解構所決定，因為她們從婚紗照的社會實踐中真實的體驗世俗標準的「美貌」轉變，因此也能夠破除美貌的迷思，而對自己的平凡泰然處之。

本文以深度訪談女性消費者的方式，試著為台灣婚紗照消費的文化提供具體的經驗分析。本文的結論是台灣的女性消費者挪用拍婚紗照的機會體驗千面女郎的造型，尤其是能夠穿上夢寐以求的「漂亮」禮服，裝扮自己的美貌；一方面滿足當最佳女主角的愉悅，一方面也揮霍了她們一生當中少有的機會被奉承，不論是被服務業者或是她們的丈夫們。雖然那是短暫的，但是「曾經擁有」似乎還是強過未曾擁有的遺憾。

This paper regards that the consumption practice of the wedding photography in contemporary Taiwan is a social practice. Although consumers are apt to be decided by the structure, they also can appropriate consumption for their own interests. Most Taiwanese women inevitably take the wedding photographs before the wedding ceremony, however, they also appropriate the chance of taking the wedding photographs to try on beautiful dresses to experience the transformation of socially constructed beauty. At the same time, they deconstruct the myth of beauty and realize that the so-called 'beauty' is fabricated. Furthermore, female consumers also experience pleasures in the course of taking the wedding photographs, for instance, gratifying women's vanity, experiencing the-queen-for-a-day, visualization of intimacy. Those experiences are transient indeed, however, it is worthwhile of having been. Nevertheless, the wedding photographs can be served as narcissistic use for female consumers all the time.

問題與討論

地方政府的隱身：論台灣音像政策的特徵，以歐美為對照／馮建三(36 民88.12 頁187-220)

台灣音像政策的特徵之一，在於其制定權，幾乎全部集中在中央政府。本文以此特徵為核心，檢視廣電法、電影法與有線電視法，察覺地方參與規範音像資源的權力，是有增加的趨勢，惟若對比歐美實況，則增加的速度與幅度，均極不足。中央有權，但無法提供讓地方滿意的廣電服務，造成中央與地方的廣電衝突，從一九九○年起，因中央與地方執政政黨有別，開始顯現，但尚未達到足以促成重新分配權限的程度。作者最後從政治認知、政治意志與政策方向等三個層面切入，探討地方政府是否可能獲得並良善運用廣電資源的部份權力。

The power of making audio-visual policies in Taiwan is nearly exclusively reserved for the central government. Bearing this feature in mind, this essay examines the Broadcasting Act, the Film Act and the Cable Act and takes note of the fact that local governments have been bestowed with more power on audio-visual matters during the past two decades. In comparison with practices prevailing in the USA and member countries of the European Union, this increase is however negligent. As such, clashes between the central and local governments over rights of allocating broadcasting resources arise since 1990 when some local elections were won by the party opposing the ruling Nationalists. To conclude this paper, the author ponders the prospect whether local governments may grab part of the power and provide more public broadcasting services.