《台灣社會研究季刊》 第66期：

一般論文

無HOME可歸：公私反轉與外籍家勞所受之時空排斥的個案研究／吳永毅(66 民 96.6 頁 01-74)

由於外籍幫傭及監護工的勞動和休息均在雇主家戶空間內進行而難以區分其界限，也幾乎沒有隱私和自由，迫使她們只能在假期將原本應為私密之再生產活動，暴露於台灣人優勢異文化的公眾空間。這個強迫出櫃既是歧視的結果，也是其再被確認歧視的原因。具工運視野的北市勞工局於2002年開辦「外勞文化中心」，試圖從實質空間的資源重分配，突破台灣人的空間獨佔權力；承包該中心的「台灣國際勞工協會（TIWA）」將中心取名為HOME（House of the Migrants’ Empowerment），希望成為凝聚外勞主體認同的「政治的家」；實際運作後又意外成為外勞「生活的家」。2004年初勞工局異主，學者出身的新局長以「為達資源有效運用，避免設備於非假日閒置」為由將中心關閉。本研究試圖以此個案說明外傭和中產階級雇主以「括號」與「反括號」策略進行的時空鬥爭，以及學者勞工局長和她所聘之HOME評估委員，如何因為自身中產階級時空慣習，而透過關閉HOME參與了這個階級較勁，更顯示了地方政府難以被進步市民運動真正穿透的保守面向。

關鍵字：外籍家勞、台北市外勞文化中心、公私反轉、空間性社會排斥、再生產活動、晉紳化、中產階級時空慣習、台北市勞工局

This is a case study of the shut-down of HOME (the House for Migrants’ Empowerment), a cultural and service center for migrant workers. HOME was founded by the Taipei City Labor Bureau (TCLB) and sub-contracted to TIWA (the Taiwan International Workers’ Association) in 2002, when the Director of the TCLB was the former labor activist Chun-chi Zheng (鄭村棋).

The distinction between sold-time and free-time (i.e. the work-rest distinction) is blurred for migrant domestic workers , so that most of their supposedly private reproductive activities are temporally squeezed into holidays and spatially forced into public places where they are exposed to the scrutiny of Taiwanese. This peculiar situation of private-public inversion is the result of racial discrimination and class inferiority in their work place (i.e. the homes of their employers) and also serves to re-enforce that discrimination and inferiority. I use the concept of ‘bracketing’ to describe the spatial-temporal strategies used by migrant domestic workers against this distorted inversion. I also analyze how employers ‘counter-bracket’ the subject of migrant workers as a counter strategy.

HOME once existed as a ‘surrogate home’ which provided shelter for migrant workers to retain privacy during their days off. TIWA conducted organizing-oriented cultural and political activities to assist the migrants in forming their own community, and challenged the spatial hegemony of real estate owners in the ChungShan District. However, when Shang-Luan Yan (嚴祥鸞), a well-known feminist labor research professor, took over the directorship of the TCLB in 2004, she did not appreciate the function of HOME, and decided to close it.

Analyzing official rhetoric in the documents of the TCLB, I find that their decision to shut down HOME was a result of their middle class temporal-spatial 'habitas '. The shut-down became a counter-bracket measure which coincided with the real estate interests of the ChungShan local elites.

Keywords:migrant domestic workers, the House for Migrant Workers’ Empowerment (HOME), private/public inversion, spatial social exclusion, gentrification, middle class temporal-spatial ‘habitas’, the Taipei City Labor Bureau (TCLB)

研究移住／居台灣：社會學研究現況／曾嬿芬(66 民 96.6 頁 75-103)

本文希望定位台灣目前針對移入人口之社會學研究知識的累積與限制，並對未來的研究方向提出建議。本文以兩種方式檢視目前移民社會學知識的成果，一是將移民社會學的研究與台灣社會學其他的研究興趣關連起來，討論移民研究如何與其他領域的議題對話；二、針對台灣移民社會學的研究方向與方法論立場提出批判性的反省。本文首先指出台灣移民社會學研究，其知識累積除了對於移民相關議題有進一步瞭解之外，作為一個社會學次領域，提供Robert Merton所說的策略性的研究素材（strategic research materials）讓我們深入理解台灣社會的其他重要面向：一方面回應台灣社會學長期關心的許多問題；另一方面發掘新的挑戰與新的問題。本文第二部份則提出台灣移民社會學的發展目前面臨的兩個主要問題，一是理論化的不足或過度集中，二是受限於「方法論的國族主義」。本文最後建議關心移居台灣此一新興現象的社會學研究者在研究主題上應更加多元化，另外，在理論命題上建立更多的連結。

關鍵字：國際遷移、移民社會學、移民理倫、方法論的國族主義、台灣

Increasing significance of new immigration to Taiwan since early 1990s has brought a quick accumulation of sociological knowledge on newcomers in Taiwan. The purpose of this essay is to examine the external linkages of this emerging subfield and other sociological fields and at the same time reflect upon the internal problems of this newly established field. First, this essay aims to link this emerging field to a number of significant subfields in sociology to avoid possible “ghettoization “ of emerging fields such as sociology of migration. Utilizing the idea of “strategic research materials” introduced by Robert Merton, this essay first examines the ways that these research findings speak to old concerns and bring new issues in sociological knowledge of several subfields. Second, by pointing out some of the pitfalls in current immigration theory-building and methodological nationalism, this essay calls for new ways to foster diversified research topics and closer linkages among arguments to try to build coherent theorizing processes.

Keywords:international migration, sociology of migration, migration theory, methodological nationalism, Taiwan

創傷、博物館與集體記憶之建構／陳佳利(66 民 96.6 頁 105-143)

作為記憶保存之機構，博物館透過選擇與展示再現，有意識地建構社會之集體記憶，進而書寫族群與國家的歷史，並建構想像的共同體。其中，紀錄國家民族過去所共同經歷創傷之紀念型博物館，扮演著重要的角色。紀念型博物館一方面經由重新建構與詮釋事件或災難本身，使得創傷經驗之再經驗與重複討論成為可能，另一方面，因博物館的機構性質及其所建構的公共空間，也成為提供民眾反省歷史、凝聚民族情感與建構認同與集體記憶之場域。因此世界各國紛紛建立各種紀念型博物館，提供民眾一個緬懷、悲憤進而建構集體記憶的場所。然而，在交織著各種災難、爭戰與痛苦的人類歷史長河中，究竟哪些災難與創傷記憶會成為博物館永久紀念的對象？而國家權力及不同的族群團體又是如何介入、選擇並透過博物館來建構集體記憶？而觀眾又是如何經由博物館的再現機制來理解、詮釋並且回應歷史的創傷與悲劇？這些都是本研究想要探討的問題。

本文擬以創傷、博物館與集體記憶之建構為研究主題，以文獻回顧的方法，整理討論災難紀念型博物館之類型與形成背景，並以國外猶太浩劫紀念館為例，探討博物館與集體記憶及認同之建構關係。此外，本文並將以台北二二八紀念館為個案，分析其中政治、認同與創傷記憶是如何在這個場域中糾葛、展示與型塑。

關鍵字：創傷、集體記憶、猶太浩劫紀念館、台北二二八紀念館

As an institution of collecting and preserving memories, the museum not only constructs the social collective memory, inscribes the history of the nation but also constructs the imagined community by its selection and representation. Among all types of museums, the memorial museum which documents the traumatic experiences of the nation plays an important role. The memorial museum on the one hand makes it possible to re-experience and discuss repeatedly the traumatic experiences by its reconstruction and interpretation of the incident or disaster itself. On the other hand, the public space of the memorial museum also provides a field for visitors to reflect history, build national consensus and construct identity and collective memory. During the long history full of disasters, wars and traumas, what kind of disasters and traumatic memories will be selected and memorized by the museum? How does the power of nation and different ethnical and interest groups get involved and select memories to be presented by the museum? Also how do visitors understand, interpret, and respond to the historical tragedies and traumas through the mechanism of representation of the museum? These are the questions that this paper intends to explore.

This paper aims to discuss the relationship between trauma, museum and the construction of collective memory. It will present the types and context of the memorial museums and apply the holocaust museum as an example to discuss the relationship between the museum and construction of collective memory and cultural identity. In addition, the Taipei 228 Memorial Museum will be applied as a case study to analyze how politics, identity and traumatic memories are intertwined, displayed and constructed in this particular field.

Keywords:Trauma, Collective Memory, the Holocaust Memorial Museum, the Taipei 228 Memorial Museum

不再「快樂」的搖頭丸？台灣的毒品論述分析／黃正宏、周平(66 民 96.6 頁 145-194)

本文首先架構起一個搖頭丸在台灣的存演脈絡圖像，分析從西方進入台灣的「快樂丸」如何逐漸在地化以「搖頭丸」之名廣為流通。我們指出在這個在地化過程中，國家機器的毒品防治策略如何介入其中，並質疑國家機器對於搖頭丸的防治有效性與爭議。

在訪談的過程中，我們發現國家機器在制度面所公開形構的搖頭丸，與制度代理人（員警、戒治所人員）的實作經驗中存有矛盾。我們試圖理解這種矛盾的發生原由，同時也藉此質疑這個毒品分類的有效性。當我們尋求國家機器對於這樣一個曖昧的毒品分類其立論基礎何在，然而卻發現應該具備的在地資訊竟是相當缺乏的。國家機器所援引的醫學證據或毒品分類僅僅只是「選擇」某個「先進國家」。最後，我們轉向理解用藥者如何對自我用藥行為（涉及違法部份）的詮釋。然而在面對一個已制度化的意識形態，他們無意挑戰這個可疑的分類，甚至根本上忽視自主意識的存在必要。

關鍵字：搖頭丸、快樂丸、毒品、意識形態

This article attempts to first sketch out an evolving contextual picture of “head wriggling pills” in Taiwan, and hence, to analyze how its West originated expression, the “happy pills” so to speak, has been localized to be named as “head wriggling pills”. We also try to expose the state intervention in the localization process through the drug-prevention policy of the ideological state apparatuses, and to question the efficacy of the state apparatuses’ deterrence of “head wriggling pills”.

During the interviewing process, we found out that the officially formulated discourse of “head wriggling pills” by the state apparatuses contradict the practical experience of their institutional agents (such as police officers and practitioners at the Drug Abstention and Treatment Center). We try to figure out the cause of this contradiction and thereby to challenge the effectiveness of the current classificatory framework of drugs. As soon as we attempt to seek out the theoretical foundation of state’s ambiguous drug categorization, we realize that the necessary local information concerning the categorization is extremely insufficient. Actually, the medical evidence and drug categorization of the state relies selectively on specific “advanced country”. Finally, we shift to comprehend the drug-users’ self-interpretation of their drug-using behavior, especially the “illegal parts”. We find out that under the already institutionalized ideology, drug-users have no intent to challenge the dubious categorization, and thereby they ignore the necessity of their own autonomous consciousness.

Keywords:MDMA、Ecstasy、drug、ideology

田野紀實

否定政府／重建村莊：中國大陸梅縣客家地區自發社區組織的形成／古學斌(66 民 96.6 頁195-229)

1993年，我首次造訪中國大陸梅縣客家地區的古村。我驚訝地發現農村在改革開放之後，村民普遍失去了過往對村幹部的尊敬和信任，尤其令我深感詫異的是公社瓦解和去集體化（decollectionization）之後，農村所出現的那種紊亂現象，那種一塌糊塗得好像完全無人能撐大局的脫序現象，好像再也沒有新的地方政治權力能夠取代當年毛澤東時期公社運動所展現的地方組織力及管理力。古村不再像早期人類學者所言那般的中國南方村落了。村子裡沒有特定的世家大族足以掌控地方領導核心，沒有集體資產能做為村民的共同經濟收入，沒有地方富豪能透過貸款或壟斷控制當地的交易或農業生產，以至沒有任何長老和／或財閥能支配集體生產。那時候，村民對村中的公共事務表現得漠不關心。

1995年，我再度造訪古村時看到的卻是另一幅截然不同的景象。本是紊亂的村落變得井井有條。那些曾經嚷著事不關己的村民都顯得活躍起來，經常關注村子的發展。他們竟會興奮地告訴我，他們要成立祠堂委員會，他們要重建古村。時至今天，古村祠堂委員會的成立已成為當地社區的重要力量。在社區營造的過程中扮演了重大的角色。同時，它亦成為了村民的集體象徵。特別是跟地方政府交涉各種事務之時，它更加是村中的一股重大的政治勢力。

究竟傳統文化包括宗族、宗教、習俗等在社區發動和組織的過程中起著什麼樣的作用？村民自我認同的重構在近代中國農村地方政治裡扮演什麼樣的角色？社區發展如何借用農村的傳統文化網絡和資源呢？古村的例子對我們這群在農村搞社區發展的學者又有甚麼的啟迪和借鑑作用呢？本文將重點探討古村自發組織形成的歷程，尋索宗族、自發組織、與社區發展三者之間的關係，以及村民自發組織在中國農村基層政治的意涵。

關鍵字：社區發展、社會資本、自發組織、基層政治

When I first visited Ku Village in 1993, my impression was that the authorities at the village level had gradually lost the trust and respect of the villagers over the course of rural reform because the local government at village level no longer functioned properly. I was also struck by how disorganized the village had become after decollectivization, as no administrative or political body could totally replace the functions of the Mao era collective, and certainly none had taken over the duties and powers of the once formidable village organs. Unlike other villages in South China, no family in Ku had grown into a powerful group and assumed leadership. There also was no cooperatively owned property to provide a source of village income. No one controlled trade or local agricultural production through credit and commercial monopolies. No elders or wealthy kinsmen dominated communal rituals. I discovered that households worshiped their ancestors and gods individually. During my initial stay, villagers were indifferent to the public affair of the village.

However, when I returned to Ku Village in 1995, I found a quite different situation: the unorganized village had become organized. Those who had been indifferent to village affairs were now concerned about the development of the village. The villagers eagerly told me about their plans to rebuild Ku Village and invited me to participate in their projects including road paving and repairing the ancestral hall. They bypassed the village government by establishing their own village organization based on kin elders and lineage. They began to reorganize themselves cooperatively according to cultural and religious principles. In these processes, Ku solidarity was formed and they identified with their common ancestors and local deities through reciprocity, warmth or filial duty. In this paper, I am going to ask: What is the relationship between traditional culture and community mobilization and organization? How to make sense of the relationship between the rebirth of local religion and the (re)formation of village identity? In the community development process, how can we make use of the local cultural network and resources? What is the implication of the (re)formation of local identity in the local politics of rural China?

Keywords:Community Development, Social Capital, Local Organization, Local Politics

問題與討論

作為方法的亞洲／竹內好（胡冬竹譯）(66 民 96.6 頁231-250)

回歸自我內部的亞洲的方法？《作為方法的亞洲》解題／胡冬竹(66 民 96.6 頁 251-261)

和平想像力的條件與界限：東亞共同體論的反思／白永瑞(66 民 96.6 頁 263-280)

路上的鐘擺：中國與我／池上善彥(66 民 96.6 頁 281-289)

〈中國革命和亞洲討論〉淺論／鈴木將久(66 民 96.6 頁 291-297)