《台灣社會研究季刊》 第75期：

編輯室報告

一般論文

勝利者的正義？反思東京審判、政體改造及其相關爭議／陳宜中(75 民 98.09 頁 03-44)

東京審判只不過是「勝利者的正義」嗎？我們該從何種角度去反思東京審判，以及美國對日本的政體改造？本文針對邁尼爾（Richard H. Minear）與華瑟（Michael Walzer）的相關論說進行探討，藉此開展出有別於既存觀點的另一些思考方向。本文認為，東京審判並非孤立的法律事件，而必須理解為美國戰後東亞戰略之一環；在這一意義上，要徹底釐清東京審判的正當性問題，便必須從根本重新檢討美國對日政體改造行動是否正當。本文指出，促使戰敗國日本歸正，使其承擔起戰爭責任，使其不再發動侵略，無疑是正當的、起碼的國際正義要求；但「政體改造」（亦即「通過戰爭，以軍事佔領為手段，對戰敗國施行強制性的政治體制改造」）既未必是促使日本歸正的必要或唯一方式，亦未必是其最佳或較佳方式。美國的政體改造行動係以扶植親美反共政權與獲得穩固軍事基地，而非以「促使日本歸正」作為其主要動機；就其實際效果而言，也並未有效地趨近「促使日本歸正」之目標。由此觀之，美國對日本的政體改造，連同美國所主導的東京審判，的確是一種多方面受制於美國特殊利益、但正當性嚴重短缺的「勝利者的正義」。

關鍵字：日本、美國、東京審判、政體改造、邁尼爾、華瑟、正義

Richard Minear criticizes the Tokyo Trial as mere ‘victors’ justice’, while Michael Walzer questions the legitimacy of the US policy of ‘regime change’that had been imposed upon Japan. Through a critique of Minear’s and Walzer’s arguments, this paper aims to shed some new light on these controversial issues. Drawing on Walzer, this paper suggests that the Tokyo Trial be conceived as part and parcel of the US strategy of regime change. To indict the former as ‘victors’ justice’, thus, is to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the latter. What, then, was wrong with regime change in the case of Japan? This paper rejects Walzer’s contention that Japan and Germany should in principle be treated differently. It is argued, instead, that the US policy of regime change was morally deficient not only because it involved political motivations other than justice, but because it therefore failed to take seriously the task of facilitating the transformation of Japan into a responsible stakeholder. To the very extent that today’s Japan remains ‘unreconstructed’ with respect to its war history and responsibility, the claim that regime change was just and successful in Japan must be turned on its head.

Keywords:Japan, the US, the Tokyo Trial, regime change, Minear, Walzer, justice

良家婦女的性變態想像：劉毓秀與台灣國家女性主義的文明教化／黃道明(75 民 98.09 頁 45-83)

在性別主流化的二十一世紀台灣，兩性平等儼然已成為官方的意識型態。然而，這個兩性平等主體，或者確切地說，生產的這個兩性平等主體的女性主義，有著什麼樣的性思維？作為言說主體的她，其慾望有何特殊的歷史形構？她的性別政治有著什麼樣的性想像？本文將對台灣國家女性主義的性政治提出意識型態的批判與倫理的回應，以其主舵手劉毓秀的論述為分析對象，脈絡化地看她如何以精神分析語言為媒介，接合出一個國家女性主義的主體位置來回應來自性解放運動以及妓權運動的挑戰。本文將論證，劉毓秀所欲現代化的兩性平權及兩性關係，以婚姻性道德為「一體」的道德整體性，藉國家與法律除去想像為男性陽剛專屬之變態性相。另一方面，酷兒和妓權份子這些在1990 年代浮出情慾地表的性主體，則在這個「良家婦女」的想像裡形構為崩解文明的性變態而必須被加以除權棄絕 （foreclose）。然而，就如拉岡的「真實」 （the real），這些性／別不良份子不斷地侵入劉毓秀所欽訂的象徵秩序，時時阻撓她教化（civilise）性的慾望。

關鍵字：精神分析、性變態、國家女性主義、兩性平等、性污名、性交易、性解放、妓權

The gender sexual politics of Liu Yu-hsiu has been pivotal in the hegemonic ascendancy of Taiwan state feminism in recent years. Through an examination of Liu’s psychoanalytically mediated essays of social criticism, this article traces the contour of Liu’s sexual imaginary within the context of 1990s feminist and queer politics. Liu’s modernising project of gender equality, I argue, upholds heterosexual monogamy as a feminist ideal that seeks to purge all the masculine ills including perversion and promiscuity. Meanwhile, queers and prostitutes come to be figured as the very negativity that must be foreclosed. Yet like the Lacanian Real, they impinge on the symbolic order that Liu ordains as they thwart her desire to civilise sex.

Keywords:psychoanalysis, perversion, state feminism, gender equality, stigma, prostitution, sexual emancipation movement, sage queen

搜尋台灣民粹式民主的群眾基礎／張佑宗(75 民 98.09 頁 85-113)

民粹主義是一個模糊且多面向的概念，本文主要討論其中一種形式，亦即「民粹式民主」的基本特質，並使用量化的研究方法加以測量與分析。透過「亞洲民主動態調查」計畫的資料，本文發現台灣社會將近有六成以上的群眾具有民粹式民主的傾向，只有不到二成的人具有自由民主取向。進一步分析後發現，解釋台灣民眾為何具有民粹式民主，或自由民主、開明專制與傳統威權等不同的政治取向，最重要的是教育程度的高低。教育程度越高，就有越高比例的人具有自由民主取向；教育程度越低，就有越高比例的人具有民粹式民主、開明專制與傳統威權取向。過去許多學者擔憂台灣民粹式民主將與統獨議題結合，會對台灣民主的深化造成阻礙。然而，資料分析結果顯示，其實兩者並無顯著的相關。因此，經驗事實與學者的感受，實際存有一段差距。

關鍵字：民粹主義、民粹式民主、垂直課責、水平課責、民主鞏固

Populism is an ambiguous and multi-faceted concept. The purpose of this paper is to extract the essence of populism. Mainly, it focus on the characteristics of populist democracy and aim at developing a quantitative index. Based on the data from Asian Barometer survey shows that over 60% of Taiwanese is oriented toward populism democracy and only 20% of them is oriented toward liberal democracy. Further analysis shows that the key determinant of political orientation is neither partisanship nor national identity. Rather, the decisive factor is education attainment. Orientation toward liberal democratic values increases with educational attainment. On the other hand, populist democracy correlates with low educational attainment. In recent years, many scholars argue that the development of populism and the conflict of identity threaten the advancement of democracy in Taiwan. According to this empirical research, there exists a gap between the reality and the perception of these scholars.

Keywords:populism, populist democracy, vertical accountability, horizontal accountability, democratic consolidation

從「招牌」到「CF」最短的路是「創意」：現代廣告在台灣文化場域中的象徵轉型（1980-1999）／賴守誠(75 民 98.09 頁 115-166)

台灣的廣告與廣告工作者，從1980 年至1999 年的近20 年間，發生了戲劇性的轉型。這個轉型—從體力勞動者生產平凡庸俗的「招牌」，搖身一變成為專業影像文化工作者所產製的具「創意」的「廣告影片」（CF）—並非台灣走入現代社會的必然表現，更不是台灣經濟發展自然演進的過程。相反的，它必須通過正當化過程的「象徵鬥爭」而獲得實現。本文將援引關係取向的概念工具，對廣告工作者在文化生產場域中象徵轉型的機制與策略進行分析。本文強調：廣告在台灣成為被凝視、關注的文化對象並在文化空間獲得象徵地位，是「現代廣告」歷經近20 年逐步在文化場域的正當化過程所帶來的重要結果。廣告被感受、認知為文化領域的重要元素，並具有特定的象徵力量，乃是在文化生產場域中，通過歷史的象徵鬥爭，搭配其場域運作之特定結構性、制度性動力機制，逐步建構、深化而成。在象徵鬥爭的過程中，廣告工作者，成功的建構廣告「創意」與他們群體位置利益的直接聯繫；藉助廣告影片與電影文化類型間選擇性親近的建立，廣告影片成為最具支配性的廣告類型，廣告工作者因而能夠順暢挪用電影已經先前成功取得的象徵成果，在文化空間中依照他們的形象與利益，進行有利其廣告產品之參考架構的轉換。緊接著，他們試圖進一步修改整個社會中文化生產者的理想典範，並準備提供一套新文化世界的運作藍圖：這套社會成就的原則，是基於商業邏輯與文化邏輯間利基整合的精緻加強版。

關鍵字：現代廣告、文化生產場域、象徵鬥爭、「創意」、廣告「電影化」

In Taiwan a dramatic metamorphosis of adverts and ad-makers—from commonplace shopsigns produced by low-skilled manual labors to “creative” cultural works created by professional film-makers—has occurred between 1980 and 1999. This transformation is neither the necessary manifestation of a modern society nor a “natural” consequence of economic development; instead, it takes place only through symbolic struggles within the field of cultural production. In this paper, the relational mode of analysis will be employed to analyze the strategies of the “modern” ad-makers that are engaged in struggles of legitimation within the field of cultural production of contemporary Taiwan. We find that advertising in modern Taiwan was legitimated and valorized through the following mechanisms: First, the changing opportunity space brought about by social and economic change outside the advertising industry provides a necessary condition. The opening up of the market of service industries, the rise of television, the establishment of academic courses and programmes concerning advertising, the increased size of the graduate population, and the international recognition of Taiwanese cinema all facilitated the movement to valorize advertising. Second, the institutionalization of various resources, skills, practices, and organizational arrangements by a range of actors in the advertising industry, consolidated in Taiwan in the late 1980s. In the mid 1980s the coincidence of factors described above created the thrust necessary for a turning point in the valorization of advertising. Third, the new development of the field-specific principles—particularly “creativity”— for evaluating advertisements was fundamental to the symbolic transformation of advertising. “Creativity” thus gradually became the key stake of advertising field. At the same time, ad-makers and their supporters in Taiwan borrowed a fruitful model from a cognate cultural genre—cinema—pioneered earlier by a recognized group of Taiwanese film-makers. By using this model, they have been able to structure the production teams and work processes of advertising, to guide the framework of cultural criticism of advertising, and to shape the perception of advertising.

Keywords:modern advertising, the field of cultural production, symbolic struggle, “creativity”, “cinematization” of advertisements

問題與討論

相逢一笑泯恩仇：關於鄭鴻生的〈台灣人如何再作中國人〉讀後隨想／藍博洲(75 民 98.09 頁 167-175)

Nationalism與民族主義：以孫文及泰戈爾的民族主義為線索／西川長夫（李姵蓉 譯）(75 民 98.09 頁 177-207)

文化反轉：2008年的「民族國家」與「80 後」問題／雷啟立(75 民 98.09 頁 209-240)

1990年代以來韓國東亞論的演變：以《創作與批評》團體的論述為主／任佑卿(75 民 98.09 頁 241-286)

1990 年代以來韓國的東亞論可以大致劃分為四種：第一、儒家資本主義論，第二、政治經濟的地區聯合論，第三、後現代性的文明話語，第四、批判性地區主義。本文將簡單地梳理第四種東亞論的出現背景及其演變。作為批判性地區主義的東亞論當初由《創作與批評》集團作為韓半島的變革理論來提出。其直接契機是美蘇冷戰體制的瓦解。它出現在對上世紀70、80 年代變革運動的自省和後冷戰時代變革運動出路的摸索過程之中。其最大的現實性關注點產生於有關如何以和平的方式克服韓半島分斷體制的問題。以及它之所以沒有停留在韓半島變革理論，而是發展成為東亞論，其原因是認識到克服韓半島分斷並非僅僅是韓半島自身的問題，而是與整個東亞地區的後冷戰和走向和平的進程有著密不可分的關係。以這種韓國的變革理論開始的東亞論，在於東亞地區內批判圈知識份子們的積極溝通過程中不斷更新自己的思路，進而逐漸擴大和深化成為東亞的批判性地區主義。但，隨著東亞內部政治經濟交流的增多、大眾文化的急速混種化、市民社會的擴大和跨國連帶的增長、國內反北親美政權的登場等等現實的急速變化，它在面臨著新的挑戰。

關鍵字：東亞、批判性地區主義、後冷戰、韓半島、分斷體制、變革運動、《創作與批評》

In Korea East-Asian Discourses are able to be divided into four class, that is Confucian Capitalism, discourses on regional unification, post-modern civil theory, and critical regionalism. Above all, the one as critical regionalism represents a current of radial movement of Korea in post-war area. At first it was proposed as a reform movement theory by Creation & Criticism group in the early 1990s while they reconsidered radical reform movement of Korea and tried to find a new way to solve the system of the divided Korean Peninsula in post-war area. Later it has gradually developed into critical regionalism throughout growing exchanging among the East-Asian intellectuals. This paper will show how East-Asian Discourses as critical regionalism has developed and what problems it has countered in Korea.

Keywords:East-Asian Discourses, critical regionalism, post-cold war, the Korean Peninsula, the system of divided nation, reform movement, Creation & Criticism

多元文化主義在台灣：其論述起源、內容演變與對台灣民主政治的影響之初探／魏玫娟(75 民 98.09 頁 287-319)

本文主要是對多元文化主義（multiculturalism）論述在後解嚴台灣公共討論中的出現、論述內容的演變、以及相關辯論對台灣民主政治的影響進行初步的探討；亦即，本文旨在提供多元文化主義在台灣之發展及其對台灣民主政治之影響的一個概略圖像。除了對出現在台灣討論中的多元文化主義論述進行思想史的考察以外，本文也藉由分析台灣的多元文化主義辯論，主要是批判性多元文化主義者與主流多元文化主義者之間的辯論，嘗試從批判性的角度提出一個兼顧文化承認與社會正義價值的論述，為台灣多元文化主義的相關辯論、以及在台灣社會的脈絡下建構一個進步的民主論述，提供一個思考方向；而這個批判性的角度主要是受到新左派學者Nancy Fraser在全球化以及認同政治高漲的歷史脈絡下對「承認」、「正義」、「平等」等概念討論的影響。

關鍵字：多元文化主義、認同政治、分配正義、文化承認、後西伐利亞民主正義

This paper outlines the growth of multiculturalism in Taiwan through theoretical discussion and historical narratives. It begins by analysing the formation and evolution of multiculturalism in post-authoritarian Taiwan. It then offers an assessment of the impact of the multiculturalist debate on the public imagination of Taiwan’s democratic future. As well as offering an empirical analysis of multiculturalist discourses articulated in the local debate, the paper is also an attempt to locate the democratic debate in Taiwan in the contexts of a globalised world and the age of identity politics. It does so by proposing a progressive discourse of democracy which draws primarily upon Nancy Fraser’s discussions of “recognition”, “justice” and “equality.”

Keywords:multiculturalism, identity politics, distributive justice, cultural recognition, post-Westphalian democratic justice

分斷體制下的悲劇與「喜劇」：我讀陳映真的〈第一件差事〉／趙剛(75 民 98.09 頁 321-339)

再談85%帶原住民的基因：回應陳叔倬、段洪坤的〈平埔血源與台灣國族血統論〉／林媽利(75 民 98.09 頁 341-346)