《台灣社會研究季刊》 第77期:

編輯室報告

專題─問題化原住民福利

失神的酒:以酒為鑑初探原住民社會資本主義化過程/夏曉鵑(77 民 99.03 頁 05-58)

原住民部落健康營造計劃在許多原住民部落進行著,其目的是藉由社區總體營造的方式解決原住民酗酒,以及其他相關問題。「酗酒」不僅是外界認識原住民的主要意義框架,也成為原住民自我認知的一部份。從歷史的考察,「酒」的確是原住民生活世界中相當重要的媒介:在儀式中,「酒」是族人與祖靈溝通的管道;透過集體的釀酒過程,在在強化社群組織。然而,自日據至國府時期,不斷迫使原住民部落生產方式的改變,加以公賣制度禁止原住民釀酒後,酒由「公」領域轉化成「私」領域,由儀式、社群的媒介轉化成商品,也逐漸由鞏固集體的催化劑,轉化成部落解體的推手。本文透過「酒」的意義在原住民部落的轉化,探究原住民部落資本主義化的過程,以及國家在其中所扮演關鍵性的角色。

關鍵字:酒、酗酒、原住民、資本主義發展

Many health improvement projects have been implemented in indigenous communities, mostly with the focus on dealing with alcoholism and related problems. “Alcoholism” has become one of the primary frames of meaning for outsiders to understand indigenous people, as well as for indigenous people to construct their own identities. Historically, alcoholic drink was the crucial medium in the life worlds of indigenous peoples to communicate with the spirits and to strengthen the solidarity within and between the communities. However, from the Japanese colonization to the KMT rule, the indigenous societies had been forced to transform their mode of production. In addition, the system of wine monopoly was implemented. Consequently, alcoholic drink had been transformed from the public sphere to the private sphere, that is, from being the medium of communication in rituals and communities to being the commodity that could be bought easily. By analyzing the changing meanings of “drink” in indigenous societies, this papers aims at exploring the capitalization process in indigenous societies and the crucial roles the state has played in such process.

Keywords:alcoholism, indigenous peoples, aboriginals, development of capitalism, capitalization


失竊的世代?漢人家庭意識型態符碼與原住民族兒童保護/林津如、黃薇靜(77 民 99.03 頁 59-96)

台灣自從1993年兒童保護工作上路以後,政府投注大量資源於兒童保護。但缺乏文化敏感度的原住民兒童保護工作,是否會如澳洲政府對待原住民一般,形成「失竊的一代」?本文旨在探討原住民族兒童保護工作如何可能具備文化敏感度,並針對原住民家庭的污名,進行意識型態的解碼工作。

借鏡於美澳加三國原住民兒童保護工作的批判,我們照見台灣當前的都市原住民族兒童保護工作缺乏文化敏感度,帶著漢人族群中心所預設的「正常家庭功能」想像,往往會使得個別社工員無意間變成殖民主義的幫手,都市原住民族兒童被帶離其文化環境並喪失文化認同。透過跨文化社會工作的民族誌視角,作者反思其工作經驗,提出幾個工作上的建議:(1)了解被殖民的歷史及都市原住民的遷移脈絡、(2)理解原住民族的家庭及親屬組成、(3)家族會議的運用、(4)認知族群認同為原住民兒童保護工作處遇的重要課題。

善用原住民族知識及文化意義系統,可會使得跨文化社會工作成為原漢之間彼此學習與對話的領域。若漢人社工員缺乏文化敏感度及對原漢關係的歷史性了解,則原住民家庭很容易被漢人社工員誤判,並作出不合文化期待的處遇,原住民族兒童在此過程中,可能會被剝奪其發展族群認同的基本權益,導致長期的傷害。這篇文章希望能喚起學術與社會工作者正視此議題的重要性,社會工作者文化敏感度與文化能力的養成,已是刻不容緩的重要議題。

關鍵字:原住民族兒童保護、原住民家庭、意識型態符碼、跨文化社會工作、文化敏感度

Since the Child Protection Service Act enacted in 2003, Taiwanese government brought a great deal of resources into Child Protection Services. However, what would happen if the child protection services were color-blind? Would the indigenous children repeat the tragedy of “the stolen generation” in Australia? How could social workers be aware of cultural differences in their routine work? This paper aims at addressing issues of cultural sensitivity in child service protection.

This article is written by a sociologist and a social worker with Han ethnic identity, who have been working with indigenous communities for several years. Since we often encountered hostile questions that blamed indigenous families as problematic and “on-functional” families, we begin with analyzing the stigmatization process of the indigenous family and pointing out how the ideological code worked in the process. We argue, without paying attention to the power relations between Taiwanese and indigenous people, social workers often assumed that the Taiwanese family is the normative family, and adversely exercised colonial powers to indigenous people. Indigenous children were often brought away from their family and lost their cultural identities. By reflecting on our experiences, we promoted several strategies to enhance social workers' cultural sensitivity.

Keywords:indigenous Child Protection Services, indigenous family, ideological code, cross-cultural social work practices, cultural sensitivity


他們在自己的土地上無家可歸?從「反亞泥還我土地運動」檢視台灣原住民保留地政策的虛實/陳竹上(77 民 99.03 頁 97-134)

1951年,格瓦拉(Ernesto Guevara)的南美大陸之行目睹了自五百年前殖民者登陸以來,這塊土地所承受的種種創傷、苦難、與不義,發出了「他們在自己的土地上無家可歸」的感慨。1973年,一場在花蓮縣秀林鄉太魯閣原住民保留地上的「協調會」,也上演著同樣的故事。恐怕,在全球擁有原住民族的70個國家中,類似的情節也不斷地被重製著。本文試圖經由述說歷經三十餘年的「反亞泥還我土地運動」,呈現出台灣原住民族土地流失的場景、脈絡與軌跡,並藉此檢視我們的「原住民保留地政策」:從具體的條文內容,到這些條文如何受到政商聯盟的運作,以及司法系統的無濟於事,來揭露出法律最後成為國家與財團進駐原住民保留土地之工具的實況。縱使今天國家已經將原住民族權利提升到憲法位階,而原住民族基本法亦已通過,但叢林法則似乎仍舊是發生利益衝突時的支配者。經驗了這些場景,本文並無意嘗試歸結出一些僅能由文字承載卻無法實現的結論與建議,本文的初衷僅在於忠實地述說還我土地自救會成員們曾經在結構勢力的夾縫中奮鬥的歷史,若能有助於關懷者理解工業資本主義「買賣天空、販售大地」的法則,並因此引發一些企圖有所改變的能量,便已相當心滿意足。

關鍵字:反亞泥還我土地運動、原住民保留地、耕作權、非原住民承租權

In 1951 Ernesto Guevara saw the sufferance of indigenous people on South American Continent from colonial power since five hundred years ago and made the exclamation of “they are homeless on their own land” In 1973, the same story was playing on a “coordination meeting” hold by Asia Cement Corporation in order to rend Taroko indigenous people reservation land in Hualien. I am afraid this kind of story is repeating again and again in the seventy nations where are indigenous people inside. This article is trying to give a picture of how indigenous land keeps on been occupied and exam the “indigenous people reservation land policy” in Taiwan through describing the experience of “the movement of fighting against Asia Cement Corporation”. This examination is composed of law text, the combination power of business and politics and the ineffectiveness of judicial system. Finally, this article will discover how the law system has become the tool which helps enterprise to occupy indigenous people reservation land legally. Although “The Indigenous Peoples Basic Law” has been enacted for the purposes of protecting the fundamental rights of indigenous peoples on 2005 as well as the Constitution Amendment'ssimilar declaration on 2000 in Taiwan, the situation and circumstances seems improved only on the paper. Under this realization this article will not conclude any concrete suggestion only in words. It only hopes to awaken some energy to doubt or challenge the powerful logic of industrial capitalism by telling this story faithfully.

Keywords:the movement of fighting against Asia Cement Corporation and returning land to indigenous people, indigenous people reservation land, cultivation rights, lease rights for un-indigenous people


河岸邦查部落再生成與漂留族群生計重建:阿美族「都市原住民」自立家園的社會安全涵義/陳永龍(77 民 99.03 頁 135-175)

台灣原住民移居都市人口以阿美族最多、比例最高;不同的是,這些邦查人會在都會邊緣的荒郊與河岸形成與自然共生的聚居部落。過往政府多以「違建」或「行水區安全」理由將其拆遷,而未注意到這些邦查部落再生成的政經因素,或體認到這些部落社群對社會安全防護的意義,更不知道它們的自立生計能降低政府社會福利負擔。本文回顧邦查部落遷移、誕生與再生成的歷史,認識到邦查人移居都市現象:即從「漂流個體」到「漂留族群」而產生的「邦查部落再生成」現象。這些部落社群恰恰扮演了一種回歸文化母體的生活屏障的角色。它讓「部落」成為祛除疏離、互助協力、短程遞送、完整承受的有機社會福利體。邦查「部落」其實承擔了政府該做但力有未逮的長期照顧、社福提供、社會安全等「原住民福利」工作。藉著人與自然「創造性適應」的互動、新的部落群體協力重構了自然生計經濟體系,邦查部落的再生成也提供了族人「社會性自我保護」的正面作用,使其成員能有尊嚴、自足自在生活;既維持物質與心靈的健康,也提供了社會福利和社會安全網絡,而無需仰賴社會救濟維生。

關鍵字:邦查部落、阿美族、「都市原住民」、漂留族群、生命情感、創造性適應

In the past 50 years, there were a lot of Indigenous Peoples(原住民)who were forced to seeking jobs in the cities. Among them, the Pangcah People constitutes the majority of these “Indigenous Migrants” who has to find a home far away from their birth places. Predicated upon their societal as well as cultural ties, Pangcah People have been reconstructing their tribal settlements(部落)within an urban environment. For lack of entitlement of residential land, these Pangcah tribal settlements were built along the riverbands in the outskirt of the cities. These settlements have frequently been dismantled by the government brutal actions, and tribesmen there were forcely evicted, once and again. This study deals instead with the concrete processes of the “re-creation of traditions” of these dislocated people and seeks to appreciate their efforts in rebuilding a self-reliant livelihood in lieu of governmental welfare provisions. The author found that their achievements were not only an heroic act of “societal self-defense” their “creative adaptation” as such in effect had provided themselves with an effective safety-net together with an ideal site for long-term carings as well as social services, both physical and mental.

Keywords:Pangcah tribal settlements, Amis people, Indigenous Migrants, wondering tribes, lebenswelt feelings, creative adaptation

 

研究紀要

文化團體vs.政治社群:試論當代台灣的兩種族群政治觀點/李廣均(77 民 99.03 頁 177-211)

本文認為,族群不只是文化團體,族群衝突也不應被理解為文化團體之間的衝突,如何超越「文化團體」的迷思將是我們檢視當代台灣族群政治的關鍵。本文嘗試反思當代台灣社會的族群現象,比較兩種不同的「族群政治」觀點。第一種觀點將族群理解為「文化團體」,認為族群是一種「不連續、有著清楚範圍、以文化內容為主、可以延續傳承」的「團體」;族群政治則是探究不同族群之間「團體差異」的比較研究,以「百分比、平均數、眾數」來繪測族群差異,包括語言使用習慣、收入、教育成就、選舉行為、政黨支持等,因而容易具體化族群,將族群衝突視為集團式的人群對立;族群關係被理解為「文化差異是否可以彼此包容尊重」的問題,因而忽略族群關係的歷史成因與政治脈絡。本文提出的第二種觀點嘗試將族群理解為「政治社群」,主要是從「文化」與「團體」這兩種面向來修正文化團體觀點對於族群現象與族群政治的看法。政治社群觀點認為,族群不只是文化團體,而是具有政治任務的文化團體,我們必須掌握歷史與政治面向來理解「文化差異」的再現與影響。本文也主張,將族群視為一種變項,以團體性的角度來理解族群,才可以從組織、事件、活動、框架、密碼、認知等角度來理解「文化」的政治作用與「團體性」的起伏消長,進而理解族群政治的歷史成因、現實操作與政治影響。

關鍵字:文化團體、組織、族群政治企業家、事件、詮釋框架

The goal of this paper is to reflect on Taiwan'sethnic phenomenon and to compare two theoretical perspectives on the study of ethnic politics. The first perspective sees ethnic group as cultural group, which is often described as “discrete, bounded, culturally distinctive and enduring”. Accordingly, one major task for analyzing ethnic politics is to provide a comparative study of group/cultural differences. The tools of percentage, mean and mode are often favored to conduct a comparative study on the topics of language use, income, education, voting behavior, political position etc., and it leads to a reification of ethnic group. Ethnic relations are then reduced to a question of tolerance and respect. Ethnic conflict is equated with ethnic groups in conflict, i.e., cultural groups in conflict. The second perspective sees ethnic group as a political community, and argues that an ethnic group is more than a cultural group, but a cultural group with a political mission. We do not mean to downplay the significance of culture, but to emphasize a need to analyze the production and representation of cultural differences in terms of political context. In addition, we choose to see ethnic group as a variable, in the conception of group as groupness. This political-community perspective observes the existence of ethnic group as an on-going event and directs our attention to the role of organizations and ethno-political entrepreneurs, the dynamics and consequences of events and activities, the competition for interpretative framing and rhetoric keywords, and the process of social construction and cognitive development.

Keywords:cultural group, organization, ethno-political entrepreneur, event, interpretative framing

 

台社論壇:與魯迅重新見面

與魯迅重新見面:編案/陳光興(77 民 99.03 頁 213-215)

開場/錢永祥(77 民 99.03 頁 217-219)

「魯迅左翼」傳統:在「與魯迅重新見面」台社論壇的主旨演講/錢理群(77 民 99.03 頁 221-258)

談「魯迅在台灣」:以1946年兩岸共同的魯迅熱潮為中心/曾健民(77 民 99.03 頁 259-276)

重建左翼:重見魯迅、重見陳映真/趙剛(77 民 99.03 頁 277-389)

補課:回應錢理群的〈「魯迅左翼」傳統〉/陳光興(77 民 99.03 頁 291-298)

部分台灣青年對魯迅的接受/錢理群 (77 民 99.03 頁 299-325)

 

問題與討論

彌合斷裂與暴露傷口:關於「建國六十年」和「改革開放三十年」的兩種歷史敘述/張慧瑜(77 民 99.03 頁 327-354)

最近幾年,在以電視為媒介的大眾傳媒中,逐漸形成了兩種關於「建國六十週年」和「改革開放三十週年」的敘述策略。前者通過把50-70年代敘述為「激情燃燒的歲月」,使得革命歷史不被作為異質性的存在,而縫合了70-80年代之交的歷史斷裂;後者則把90年代中期的下崗事件書寫為一種個人的創傷體驗,通過成功地治癒傷口而完成對當下社會的認同。這樣兩種策略不僅使得70-80年之交的「傷痕」獲得修復,而且對於90年代中期出現的「改革共識」的破裂也做出了適當的回應。也就是說,一種日漸顯影的主流意識形態不僅使得50-70年代的革命歷史和80年代以來的現代化歷史被順暢地組接在一起,而且使得改革開放內部的裂痕也獲得某種程度上的修復。因此,縫合斷裂和治癒傷口成為主流意識形態確立文化領導權的重要方式。

In the recent years, two narrative strategies of 60 anniversary of the foundation of PRC and 30 anniversary of Opening Policy have appeared in mass media especially in TV programs. The former strategy successfully sutured the historical cracks of 1970s-1980s by depicting those periods as being heated and enthusiastic and making the revolutionary history no longer dissident. The latter strategy, however, describes the layoff as personal wounded experience and fulfilled the social identity by healing the wounds. These two strategies not only smoothly linked the revolutionary history of 1950s-1970s and the modern history since 1980s, and in a sense, it restored the cracks of opening policy in mid 90s. Therefore, Suturing cracks and healing wounds have been gradually important means for mainstream ideology to make cultural hegemony.


關於現代沖繩的「現場」和「現場性」/若林千代(胡冬竹譯)(77 民 99.03 頁 355-367)

 

書介與評論

傳播、文化與勞動/馮建三(77 民 99.03 頁 369-385)

 

先行者

紀念左翼前輩成露茜(77 民 99.03 頁 387-395)