《台灣社會研究季刊》 第132期：

【一般論文】

困於中間的白領「客工」：初探台灣技術移民政策中階化的結果／曾嬿芬（132民114.12頁1-34）
近年來，在台灣取得高等教育學位的外籍生，畢業後留台工作成為移民的人數快速成長，在2013-2022十年內成長十倍，達5萬餘人，這批新興移民群體源自於台灣移民政策的重大改變。台灣政府為了吸引外籍專業人員移入以因應人口結構的失衡，於2014年推出評點制降低外籍生留台工作的資格門檻。目前針對外籍生畢業後留台成為移民的現象，相關研究較為缺乏。本文以國際遷移文獻中技術移民中階化（middling skilled migration）觀點，探討技術移民政策放寬促使更多在台外籍生成為移民的過程及結果，對他們面臨的風險與脆弱處境提出解釋與分析。此項研究資料主要是對三十六位在台取得高等教育學位之後留台工作的外籍人士，所進行的深度訪談。本研究發現，台灣對於工作簽證設下嚴格的就業限制，限縮以評點制通過留台工作者的勞動力市場議價能力與經濟機會，以致於許多人在工作多年後仍難達到申請永久居留的薪資資格門檻，導致這些以工作簽證取得暫時移民身份的外籍留台畢業生，於參與勞動力市場的弱勢處境無從緩解。對那些家庭環境／母國經濟較為不利於他們返國或再度遷移的人，往往選擇留台成為長期性的暫時遷移者，作為白領客工繼續面對就業與生活的多重風險。最後，本文指出台灣技術移民政策中階化在放寬移進管道之後，吸引外籍生畢業留台的效果顯著，但目前對於移入者的權益以及後續定居、成為台灣社會成員的障礙較少著力，以致於放寬移民政策可能只是讓台灣成為更多外國人來打工、而非接納更多移民的國家。
關鍵詞：移民政策、中階化技術遷移、長期的暫時移民、外籍生、永久居民
In recent years, the number of foreign students obtaining higher education degrees in Taiwan and remaining to work or immigrate after graduation has increased significantly. This emerging trend is a direct result of substantial shifts in Taiwan’s immigration policy. To attract foreign professionals and address population imbalances, the Taiwanese government implemented a points-based system in 2014, easing the requirements for foreign students to stay and work post-graduation. This paper examines how the relaxation of skilled immigration policies has facilitated the transition of foreign students into immigrants, analyzed through the lens of middling-skilled migration. It highlights the risks and uncertainties faced by this growing group of white-collar foreign workers. The study is based on in-depth interviews with foreign nationals who completed higher education in Taiwan and chose to work and reside there. Key findings include: (1) Temporary migrants often face restrictive employment regulations, compelling them to accept less favorable working conditions and lower wages; (2) Extended periods of temporary migration result in increased vulnerability in the labor market, making it more challenging to transition from temporary to permanent residency. To conclude, the middling-skilled migration policy possibly traps many in a prolonged state of temporary migration, effectively limiting their advancement beyond status similar to guest workers.
Keywords: immigration policy, middling skilled migration, long-term temporary migrants, foreign graduates, permanent residence

痛得好爽：中港電影的無厘頭與自殘／游靜（132民114.12頁35-67）
為什麼在華語電影史上，喜劇片能夠作為從上世紀香港至本世紀中國，一直最持久賣座的類型（之一）？這個現象敘說著即便時空改變，但華語電影的消費群似乎隱隱不變的，何等樣心理需要？本文首先從歐美經典喜劇論述，文學、美學、哲學和精神分析的笑語和幽默研究中發展過來的優越感理論、紓解理論，及不協調理論等框架出發，與晚近流行的尷尬／疼痛喜劇理論對讀，透過結合文本分析、文類（genre）論述、網上平台觀眾閱聽評論分析、精神分析、異物及文化研究等進路，探討這些方法如何可以協助我們理解，華語喜劇電影中的無厘頭風格，為什麼能夠在過去三十年華語世界中群眾基礎不斷。
本文借討論華語電影中三位重要笑匠周星馳、黃渤與王寶強的一些經典演出，窺探當代中國電影如何吸納港式無厘頭喜劇養分，同時與喜劇類型、中國主旋律政宣片、分段式綜合片等糅雜協商，透過類型混雜產生的內在及互文矛盾來製造張力，滿足複雜矛盾的情感需求，轉型為具市場潛力的商業電影，卻不失對政治經濟發展的回應。本文並非以文本引證理論的方式論述，而旨在透過細讀非常有限的一些電影文本，提出跨文化、跨類型解讀華語無厘頭電影的可能，尤其思考無厘頭語言中經常出現的自殘敘事及操演，加深認識香港及中國在地電影與社會的關係，與當前資本主導及以高度壓制模式管治下衍生的主體情感、休閒玩樂的商品化及工具化等對話，回應市場、國家和社會之間的矛盾需求。
關鍵詞：華語電影、無厘頭、主旋律、壓制與霸權、尷尬／疼痛喜劇
As one of the most popular comedians ever in Hong Kong—if not Chinese—cinema history, Stephen Chow Sing-chi’s signature performance and narrative style has been coined “moleitau” (or “moleitou”), a comic subgenre that builds on sudden, illogical and coincidental plot diversions, centering marginal characters with farcical and malleable interpretations, all of which produces an affective, decentering impact on its audience as if it makes “no sense.” This paper re-examines the situatedness of the fragmentary, episodic structure of moleitau with a self-reflexive metalanguage which constantly reminds its audience of the vulnerability of realist cinema as well as the comedy form, including its demand in feeding on a sense of failure and incompletion.
Through studying and comparing key acclaimed scenes from the film work of Stephen Chow, with those of Huang Bo and Wang Baoqiang decades later, this paper maps the lingering widespread influence of moleitau comedy in Chinese cinema, in light of its potency in speaking to Euro-American discourses on comedy, including the classical frameworks of superiority theory, relief theory, incongruity theory, comedian comedy and Freud’s work on humor, developed from the study of laughter, humor and abject in literature, aesthetics, philosophy, and psychoanalysis. I further bring moleitau into dialogue with recent discussions on cringe comedy, partly informed by the viral TikTok social media platform, while the comedian-centered moleitau formulates itself as a hybrid affective site in employing elements of self-reflexivity, self-harm, awkwardness and pain to expose the nonsensical and hurt of a highly compressed industrialized, capitalist, neoliberal and/or illiberal modernity. Through elucidating the intercultural and inter-generic complexities as seen in Chinese popular cinema today, it examines how some Chinese main-melody films, for example, might have facilitated state-aligned discourses to be translated across the nation but also simultaneously enabled a platform of civility for various notions of the China imaginary to re-negotiate with each other.
Keywords: Chinese comedy, moleitau, main-melody, hegemony and dominance, cringe comedy

製造「小明」：台灣主權困境中的血緣治理／龔摘（132民114.12頁69-115）
本文以新冠疫情期間的「小明事件」及其延伸的陸配「除籍政策」為核心，深入探討在台灣主權懸而未決的背景下，國家如何透過對血緣、戶籍與家庭關係的治理手段來回應其深層的主權焦慮。研究指出，在此過程中，「血緣」不僅僅是國族認同的自然依據，而是進一步被轉化為國家進行分類、排除與審查的政治技術。從歷史脈絡來看，國民黨政權時期，「血緣治理」曾扮演著包容性角色，旨在透過血緣連結維繫對「整體中國」的名義主權，並將境外華人納入「中國國族」範疇，體現為「國民大於公民」的憲法安排。然而，隨著民進黨主政及台灣本土主體性意識的強化，血緣治理策略發生了根本性的翻轉。原先作為連結與包容的血緣，轉而成為切割中國聯繫、建構本土主體性的排他性機制。其治理邏輯從「國民大於公民」轉變為「公民大於國民」，將血緣從歸屬的依據轉化為忠誠審查與政治篩檢的對象。本文透過對「國民非公民」、「合法非公民」、「公民非國民」與「未來不確定國民」等治理類別的細緻分析，揭示血緣作為一種治理術，如何在不同歷史時期與政黨策略下被重新配置與技術化。研究進一步強調，儘管台灣對其領土具有實質控制權，但因國際社會尚未完全承認其主權地位，血緣遂成為寄託主權焦慮的關鍵場域，使家庭、生育與親屬關係轉化為象徵性主權操作的核心介面。深處這種治理邏輯下的跨境家庭，因此在日常生活中反覆承受國族劃界的政治試煉與懲罰。
關鍵詞：血緣治理、主權焦慮、戶籍、國籍、家庭、小明、大陸配偶
This article centers on the “Xiao Ming” Incident during the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent Mainland Spouse “Deregistration Policy” to examine how, under conditions of “incomplete sovereignty,” the Taiwanese state resorts to the governance of kinship, household registration, and family relations to address its deep-seated sovereignty anxiety. The study argues that in this process, “kinship” is not merely a natural foundation for national identity, but is further transformed into a political technology for state classification, exclusion, and scrutiny.
Historically, under the Kuomintang (KMT) regime, “kinship governance” played an inclusive role by using kinship ties to uphold nominal sovereignty over “Greater China,” incorporating overseas Chinese into the imagined Chinese nation, and manifesting the constitutional principle that “the national subject exceeds the citizen.” However, under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), especially alongside the rise of a Taiwanese local subjectivity, the strategy of kinship governance has undergone a fundamental reversal. Kinship, once a medium of connection and inclusion, has been repurposed into an exclusionary mechanism to sever ties with China and construct a localized political identity. Its logic of governance has shifted from “the national subject that exceeds the citizen” to “the citizen that exceeds the national subject,” reconfiguring bloodline from a marker of belonging into a target of loyalty testing and political filtration.
Through a detailed analysis of governance categories such as “national but non-citizen,” “legal but non-citizen,” “citizen but non-national,” and “future uncertain nationals,” this article reveals how kinship, as a technique of governance, has been reconfigured and technologized across different historical periods and partisan agendas. The study further emphasizes that although Taiwan exercises de facto control over its territory, its sovereignty remains unrecognized by the international community. Consequently, “kinship” emerges as a pivotal site for the projection of sovereign anxieties, transforming family, reproduction, and kinship into critical interfaces for the performance of symbolic sovereignty. Cross-Strait marital families, operating under this logic of governance, are therefore repeatedly subjected to political trials and punishments arising from national boundary-making in their daily lives.
Keywords: kinship governance, sovereignty anxiety, household registration, nationality, family, Xiao Ming, mainland spouses

【問題與討論】

一個故事說了什麼，又沒說什麼：關於露絲與奧斯卡．劉易士被噤聲人生的迷思，以及它們所訴說的那些震耳欲聾故事！／丘延亮（132民114.12頁117-156）
故事中說了什麼、又沒說什麼，一直是歷史學家、人類學家、社會科學家、作家、哲學家與學者們爭論的焦點，彷彿「普通人」在各自身與生命，或在言說與對話的過程中並沒有立足之處。本文試圖重塑日常生活中說故事的迷思，將說故事視為包裹在當代文化之生活世界（lebenswelt）脈絡裡的實踐。
追念已故葛瑞格．丹寧（Greg Dening）教授對「歷史的人類學」所做的探索，本文將重新開啟「過去與現在」之間的對話，釋放被日常生活中感知與遭遇的言說所啟發的身與心。
受業於創立「人類學歷史」（History of Anthropology）這個學門的史多謹教授（Prof. George W. Stocking Jr.）、作者遵從了他鉅細靡遺（blow by blow）的治史作風，也因為曾受芝加哥人類學系深入研究文化（intensive study of a culture）的訓練，我乃不得不數度易稿重寫；仔細地爬梳了劉易士夫婦的生身遭遇之種種，再探其生涯有關之人物、言說、史料與官書，十年後得以重構了一個驚人立體的人文誌；也還原了冷戰前後他們夫婦被極度噤聲歲月中，經歷之白色恐怖鎮壓景象；從而體現了他們誓志人類學者為庶民書寫的堅毅行止與高貴情操。為「人類學歷史」建立了標竿！
關鍵詞：貧窮文化、生活世界、人類學歷史、深入研究文化、露絲．劉易士、奧斯卡．劉易士、劉易士夫婦
What is told in a story and what is not has always been argued among historians, anthropologists, social scientists, writers, philosophers and scholars, as if common folk don’t have any room in the process of making each of their specific dialogues in life and in words. This paper is an attempt to reinvent the myth of storytelling in everyday life, where storytelling is enwrapped in the lebenswelt texture of contemporary cultures. In memory of the late Professor Greg Dening’s endeavor of examining “a history’s anthropology,” this particular paper set out to re-open dialogues between the Past and Present to free the body/mind being enlightened by common/uncommon utterances perceived and encountered in daily living.
Keywords: culture of poverty, lebenswelt, history of anthropology, intensive study of a culture, Ruth Lewis, Oscar Lewis, The Lewises

歷史的顏色，記憶的選擇：從鍾浩東的故事說起／鍾秀梅（132民114.12頁157-192）
本文透過白色恐怖檔案與不同歷史時期文本塑造鍾浩東形象的過程，並以保羅．利科在「公正記憶」上的思辨，探討當下轉型正義的侷限。檔案與傳記資料是本文理解鍾浩東在二二八事件前後參與中共地下黨活動的主軸，並分析1980年代以來小說、電影等不同文本重塑鍾浩東形象，藉此思考當下轉型正義選擇性「記憶－遺忘」的侷限。不同類型文本的多元呈現／再現並不意味著「公正記憶」得以浮現，而必須將各文本放置在現實與歷史、政治與社會的交織過程中不斷思辨，才得以將鍾浩東的歷史記憶更為全面的展現出來。
關鍵詞：鍾浩東、保羅．利科、公正記憶、轉型正義、白色恐怖檔案
The paper explores the limitations of transitional justice today through the White Terror Archives and texts from various historical periods in shaping Chung Ho-tung’s image, as well as Paul Ricoeur’s speculation on the memory of justice. Archival and biographical data are the main axis of this paper to understand Chung Ho-tung’s participation in the CCP’s underground party activities before and after the 228 Incident, and to analyze different texts such as novels and films since the 1980s to reshape Chung Ho-tung’s image, so as to reflect on the limitations of the selective “memory-forgetting” of transitional justice today. The multiple presentations/representations of different types of texts do not mean that just memories can emerge, but that each text must be placed in the interweaving process of reality and history, politics and society, so that Chung Ho-tung’s historical memory can be more comprehensively displayed.
Keywords: Chung Ho-tung, Paul Ricoeur, just memory, transitional justice, White Terror Archives

【左異聲響】

「第三世界」／「全球南方」？行走筆記／陳光興（132民114.12頁193-204）

基進精神分析在當前解放政治中的實踐：核心要義導言／林香君（132民114.12頁205-225）
本文旨在為讀者鋪墊進入伊恩．帕克（Ian Parker）和戴維．帕馮奎亞爾（David Pavón-Cuéllar）所提出的「基進精神分析」的視角，使其與包括主流精神分析在內的目前被廣泛接受的「PSY專業」區分開來，並跟隨他們對巴勒斯坦和墨西哥精神分析實踐的介紹，認識到精神分析、馬克思主義與政治運動的交匯在解放運動的鬥爭中發揮的作用。台灣在全球南北邊界模糊的背景下，扮演著再生產壓迫的角色；同時，在國際地緣政治的對抗格局中，自詡為民主的代表，但內部治理往往透過喚起對構建的敵對專制形象的恐懼，以及對「資本主義老大哥」作為後盾的後殖民幻想，以此塑造著台灣青年世代的主體性。基進精神分析可作為此時此刻的解放資源，突破權力技術與象徵秩序的控制和遮蔽，幫助我們反思台灣的道路。其先備知識乃基於科學哲學的四個層面「心理本體觀、問題觀、治療觀、未來世界」組織架構起來，並以此展開核心要義闡述。
關鍵詞：基進精神分析、批判心理學、馬克思主義－拉岡左派、解放運動、革命性主體、分裂的主體、他者性
This article aims to pave the way for readers to enter the perspective of “radical psychoanalysis” proposed by Ian Parker and David Pavón-Cuéllar, so that readers can distinguish it from all the “PSY professions” that are currently used for adaptation, including mainstream psychoanalysis, and can follow their introduction to the practice of psychoanalysis in Palestine and Mexico to recognize the role that the intersection of psychoanalysis, Marxism and political movements can play in the struggle of liberation movements. For Taiwan, in the context of the blurred border between the global North and the South, Taiwan plays the role in reproducing oppression; at the same time, in the confrontational pattern of international geopolitics, it claims itself to be the representation of democracy, but its internal governance often shapes the subjectivity of young Taiwanese through arousing the fear for the constructed hostile and authoritarian image about “the counter enemy side” and the post-colonial fantasy for the “Capitalistic Big Brother” as a backer. Radical psychoanalysis can be used as a resource for liberation at this time to help penetrate the control and cover-up by power technology and symbolic order as well as a resource for reflection on Taiwan’s path. The prerequisite knowledge is based on the four levels of scientific philosophy, “ontological view on ‘psyche-’, view on ‘problem/symptom’, view on ‘therapy’, and future world” to illustrate the essentials of radical psychoanalysis.
Keywords: radical psychoanalysis, critical psychology, The Marxist-Lacanian Left, liberation movement, the revolutionary subject, divided subject/split subject, otherness

精神分析與巴勒斯坦：兼論當前的團結實踐／伊恩．帕克，戚育瑄翻譯，林香君校對（132民114.12頁227-237）
馬克思主義與精神分析：在墨西哥脈絡中的實踐／戴維．帕馮-奎亞爾，胡家偉翻譯，林香君校對（132民114.12頁239-247）