《台灣社會研究季刊》 第34期：
國家與全球化專題
發展型「國家」或發展型國家「理論」的終結？／鄭為元(34 民88.6 頁1-68 )
東亞金融風暴使得發展型「國家」和「理論」都面臨終結的危機。發展型國家概念充滿許多視為當然的命題，缺乏系統和反省。本文分析發展型國家的各命題有普遍性、階段性、權變性、歷史性和特殊性等不同屬性。在以區域研究文獻為依據，做比較分析後，筆者置疑許多命題在觀念上或經驗上的有效性。對國家自主、技術官僚、歷史文化因素的概化、東亞經驗複製、鑲嵌，乃至「發展」等，筆者提出一些見解。全球化使得國家在發展的功能更為吃重。終結的是「家長式」的領導和「重商主義」式的發展策略。
After the East Asian financial crisis of 1997, both the developmental state and the theory of the developmental state seem out of mode. The theory of developmental state consists of many propositions, which are unsystematic, contradictory, and taken for granted. This study grouped these propostions into five categories: universal, developmental, expedient, historical, and specific. This author checked the empirical bases of these propositions with literature from area studies. Results show many well-known propositons and concepts are problematic and subject to reconsideration. The author presented new interpretations for state autonomy, technocrats, generalization of historical and cultural factors, embeddedness, and even the meaning of development. In conclusion, developmental state's roles are still and even more critical in globalization. The only passing is the authoritarian and neo-merchantialist developmental strategy.
全球化，在地化與學習型區域─理論反省與重建／王振寰(34 民88.6 頁69-112 )
本文討論有關全球化論述中的三個關鍵問題：全球化是否真的出現？在地（local）或區域空間本身是否在全球化中失去意義？以及後進國，例如東亞，的發展是否在全球化過程中失去競爭條件？本文將指出質疑全球化是否發生的論點並沒有看到資本主義在質上的轉變，而且某些區域在全球化階段也不會失去重要性。我將指出這些區域受到區域特殊資源因素和交易成本的影響，而且具有學習型區域的特質。從此角度，本文將討論第三個問題，指出後進國或東亞在全球化階段的發展，受到這二因素的影響。生產要素決定性低的產業，由於全球化而外移；而前期在世界分工中累積和學習的知識，則在區域內形成社會機制，成為區域性但又全球連結的產業。我將說明後進國經濟發展的學習和追趕特質，並以此反省既有的發展理論及其缺憾。
This paper intends to clarify three major issues in the current debates on theories of globalization. Does globalization really occur? Does locality lose its significance in the age of globalization? And, do the latecomers such as the East Asian economies have lost their competitiveness in the new era? I will argue that those who declinethe thesis of globalization miss the qualitative transformation of global capitalism. Also, this paper argues that some localities will not lose its importance in the age of globalization for their distinctive local resources or assets and due to the factors of transaction costs. I use the learning region theory to support this argument on the global-local nexus. Based upon the above discussion, I will argue that the latecomers will not lose their important role in the highly mobilized global economies. For these economies have learnt knowledge and skills in the former stages and these have become their social capital. Some industries that are based on low skills may have migrated to other regions, however those that need high skills and tacit knowledge have to depend on social institutions to support and these are not tradable goods and non-transferable. Finally, I will argue against various theories of development based on the above statements and emphasize the importance of learning and social institutions in the caching up economies.
歐洲的民族國家與全球化的壓力／哈伯瑪斯(34 民88.6 頁113-132)
歐洲各國面對全球化壓力的反應，大致可以分作擁抱派、排斥派與第三條路派，其中後者又可別為守勢與攻勢的第三條路。擁抱派源自於經濟的新自由主義，排斥派則是民族主義的溫床，後者本來是採取保護主義的疑歐派，但或可與前者合流為歐洲市場派的立場。歐洲聯邦派與這兩派人士的見解則有不同，他們奮進的方向在於將現存的國際協定轉變為政治憲章。歐洲世界大同派又與以上三種人另有不同，在他們眼界裡，歐洲聯邦也只是一個起點，須進入開啟跨國政制網絡之路，即便還不存在一個世界政府，這個政制也要能執行某種全球的國內化政策。
Responding to the pressures of globalization, the European states can be divided into four camps, those arguing for or against globalization, and those looking for a Third Way defensively or offensively. The blanket for or against positions originate from neoliberalism and nationalism respectively but might meet in the camp of Market Europeans. Eurofederalists in comparison aim at transforming the existing international accords into a political constitution, while those adopting a cosmopolitan stance regard a federal European state as a starting point for developing a network of transnational regimes that can, even in the abscence of a world government, conduct something like a global domestic policy.
一般論文
公共性的詭譎：比較英德法義台的公共電視爭議／馮建三(34 民88.6 頁133-186)
台灣的公共電視之政黨與社會爭議，必然與國際廣電勢力的對抗產生關聯，作者因此檢視英德法義的情況，強調爭議過程的黨政及政治活躍份子之互動，而非其所遭遇的結構限制。以上四個國家的政黨對於公共電視，雖有相對固定的主張，但仍有相當餘裕，可以作為社運團體的遊說空間。與此對照，由於台灣的電視資源分配不合理的程度更高，賦予其遊說者的空間亦更大，但台灣這類團體起步較晚，經驗缺乏與規模較小，因此也就無法善用台灣的這個特殊情境。本文以公共電視民間籌備會在199394年間的遊說活動為例，具體地就此記錄與分析，作者並反省近年來不滿電視聲浪的上揚，是否可能是新的契機，能夠提供未來台灣電視改造運動以新的動力。
Political and social contest over public television in Taiwan should not be evaluated independently from forces strugggling for more just broadcasting order in other countries. The author therefore studies the UK, West Germany, France and Italy to shed light on Taiwan's case, in which process, more emphases are put on how political parties interact with social activists than on structural forces limiting effectiveness of their effort. In comparison with more established party politics of above-mentioned countries, Taiwan's weaker party identites and less legitimate distribution of broadcasting resources do provide more spaces for TV reform movement, though such an advantage may well be offset by Taiwan's inexperienced and smaller campaign group. Operations of Civilian Campaign Group for Public Televison between 1993 and 1994 is analysed to illustrate this observation. In conclsion, this paper reflects if discontents with TV rising again in late 1990s could supply fresh impetus for future movement aiming at r forming Taiwan's television structure.
魚與熊掌：女性主義反性暴力之困境與省思／羅燦煐(34 民88.6 頁187-220 )
本文旨在藉由西方女性主義在性暴力防治上的論述困境，激發國內各界對本土性侵害防治理論與實踐的省思與討論，以促進台灣社會性侵害防治的性別平權與文化多元。鑑於國內性侵害防治主流論述與正規教育所隱含之性別偏見，個人取向與缺乏（教學）共識等問題，本文主張以西方女性主義反性暴力論述發展困境為「他山之石」，激發本土社會對性侵害防治建構的典範轉移，藉以提昇國內性侵害防治實踐的性別平權與文化多元。
女性主義的反性暴力論述，雖與廣為流傳的強暴迷思產生爭霸的效應，但也同時陷入論述之困境，例如：1.受暴恐懼引發之失能效應；2.受暴女性的自我認同：受害者vs.倖存者；3.強暴因應的個別差異：抗拒vs.屈從；4.強暴防制的社會控制：受害人控制vs.加害人控制vs.女性自我防衛；及5.受暴創傷的霸權化及醫療化。據此，本文提出若干性暴力防治意義建構之因應議題如下：1.強暴之文化解構與重構；2.「強暴抗拒」的多元界定；3.「女性防暴」的性別規範；4.自我防衛與自我賦權；及5.男性防暴的集體責任，以嘗試回應當前女性主義反性暴力論述之困境，並期以激發國內各界對本土性侵害防治理論與實踐之省思與討論。基於上述議題所隱含的另類性別意識型態，國內社群的共識或異議可能引發台灣社會性侵害防治論述的典範轉移與防治資源的重新分配。
To promote gender equity and multi-cultural thinking in the indigenous practice of sexual assault prevention in Taiwan, this article reviews several discursive dilemma among Western feminists, including: 1) rape fear and fear immobility; 2) self-identity ofrape victims; 3) individual differences in rape resistance; 4) social control in rape prevention; and the hegemonization and medicalization of rape trauma. In an effort to cope with these dilemma and to engage in paradigm shift in sexual violence education in Taiwan, this study identifies the following issues for public discussion: 1) cultural de-construction and re-construction of sexual violence against women; 2) multi-cultural definition of rape resistance; 3) gender control implications in rape prevention; 4) the embodiment of empowering in women's self-defense training; and 5) male collective responsibility in rape prevention.
問題與討論
台灣原住民族的土地危機：山地鄉「平權會」政治經濟結構之初探／顧玉珍、張毓芬(34 民88.6 頁221-292 )
「平地居民權益促進會」（簡稱平權會）由台灣山地鄉內的非原住民所組成，以「全面開放原住民保留地自由買賣」為主要訴求，利用政治與經濟優勢，力阻台灣原住民的還我土地運動。
本文依據田野調查訪問及文獻分析，試圖從台灣原住民保留地發展的歷史脈絡中，尋繹出平權會崛起之成因、組織過程、論述基礎、動員策略及背後的政治經濟權力結構。
研究發現，平權會由南投縣仁愛鄉的旅館業者首發其軔，初期為地區性的壓力團體。爾後，台中縣平權會成立，會長吳天祐利用既有的組織資源，加上其個人的政黨及財團背景，一方面鞏固平權會在山地鄉內的勢立，另一方面輔助其他地區成立分會，擴大為全省性的壓力團體。經由組織化的力量，進行政治動員，迫使政府開放原住民保留地自由買賣，以達成原住民土地的資本主義化。
Pingquanhui (the association the promotion of rights of the Han people living in mountain district) was organized by non-aboriginals who live in aboriginal districts in Taiwan. This organization's main demand is "Authorize the market sale of all aboriginal reserve land". It is using its political and economic advantages to bring a halt to the "Return Aboriginal Land to Aborigines" movement.
This paper analyses data from field research and existing documents. It attempts to uncover why and how Pingquanhui organized, its discoursive and mobilizational strategies, and the political-economic power structure lies behind it. The research found that Pingquanhui was initially founded by some motel business owners in Jen-Ai District of Nantou County, and operated as a local pressure group. Later, a Pingquanhui's branch was opened in Taichung County. Taichung Pingquanhui President Wu Tien-yo used the organization's existing resources, as well as his own party-political and conglomerate background, to strengthen Pingquanhui's local force; furthermore he urged the establishment of new Pingquanhui's branches in other aboriginal districts.
Pingquanhui thus expanded into a national-level pressure group, which is trying to use its organizational power and political mobilization to force the government to legalize the free-market sales of aboriginal reserve land, in order to achieve the capitalismization of all aboriginal land.
