《台灣社會研究季刊》 第64期：

一般論文

風起雲湧半邊天－國族動員下的水噹噹婦女組織／鄭維鈞(64民 95.12 頁 01-57)

國族主義與女性主義之間的競合在第三世界由來已久，婦女在國家解放過程中成為一股不可忽視的力量。本文試圖紀錄描繪台灣的本土政黨－民主進步黨－因應兩千年總統大選所組織的「水噹噹」婦女助選團成員，如何透過國族動員，以女性的身分參與選戰活動，並接著組織團體，持續參與政治活動。研究中發現，水噹噹投身國家大事的驅動力延續著中國革命以來的愛國語言，儘管在組織型態和個人的能動性上突破了婦聯會的傳統，讓「婦女」撐起了選舉政治的「半邊天」，然而面對國家裡的父權結構，卻仍顯得捉衿見肘，力猶未逮。

關鍵字：國族動員、選戰、女性主義、婦運

In Third Wolrd, both Nationalism and Feminism are impeling factors to push women to participate in National Liberation, and they exprss powerful siginificance in such a process. The article tries to describe and analyse why “Shui Dang Dang” women, who were organized by DPP for the presidential election campiagm in 2000, become willing to participate political activities, and how they identify themselves in nationalist mobilization. It argues that Shui Dang Dang women’s patriotic language linking women and Taiwan nation is similar to KMT’s National Women's League of the R.O.C.. Since 2000, Shui Dang Dang women indeed have started to get in public affairs and help DPP to ensure political power, but the effects on changing the patriarchy nature of Taiwan “Nation” is limited.

Keywords:Taiwan, Election Campaign, Fewinism, Women’s Movement, Feminist

帝國的新衣／張小虹(64民 95.12 頁 57-106)

本文企圖探討由上一個世紀之交的「國族新衣」到這一個世紀之交的「帝國新衣」之歷史演變與權力重組。全文將分成三個部份來進行，第一部份著重於近現代解殖民運動中「國族新衣」的出現，將分別以二十世紀初印度的「卡地土布」與中國的「中山裝」為例，說明「西裝」作為西方帝國主義新衣與「卡地土布」、「中山裝」作為印、中國族新衣間的意識形態頡頏，以及彼時國族新衣從日常生活實踐到國際形象的龐大民族主義動員力。第二部份則將前一部份循西方帝國殖民主義與國族服飾歷史糾葛的討論軸線，拉至今日的全球化時代，以ＡＰＥＣ非正式領袖高峰會的「服裝秀」為主要分析對象，比較二十世紀國族服裝作為一種「政治對立」的符／服碼與二十一世紀國族服裝作為一種「文化多樣性」的櫥窗展示，在歷史脈絡、身體政治與權力部署上的差異。第三部份則將前兩部份有關「國族新衣」到「帝國新衣」的討論，直接扣連到台灣當前有關「台灣衫」的政治文化爭議，以「台灣衫」作為實際正在發生、擁有在地歷史文化殊異性的具體案例，印證且挑戰前兩部份所發展出來的通論架構。此部份將針對「台灣衫」的爭議，同時進行政治化與歷史化的脈絡解讀，不僅將追溯「台灣衫」一詞在台灣日據時代的出現與演變，也將進一步探討「台灣衫」同時作為「國族新衣」與「帝國新衣」在當前全球化論述中的諸多「不可能」。

關鍵字：解殖民、全球化、帝國主義、帝國、現代性、國族服裝、民族風

This paper attempts to explore the historical connection and power complication between the emergence of “the nation’s new clothes” at the turn of last century and the appearance of “the Empire’s new clothes” at the turn of this century. It is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the political fabrication of “the national dress” by taking the Indian khadi and the Chinese Chung-San suits as two major examples of sartorial decolonization in the process of nation-building. It will map out the ideological confrontation between the Western suits as “new clothes of Imperialism” and khadi and Chung-San suits as “new clothes of nationalism,” highlighting the latter’s powerful appeal from everyday local practice to international circulation of images. Part II will take Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Empire as frame of reference to explore the possible formation of “the Empire’s new clothes” in the era of globalization by taking the summit fashion show of APEC as the major target. It will compare and contrast the national dress of the twentieth century as a sign of political opposition and the “national dress” of the twenty-first century as a window display of cultural diversity by delineating their differences in terms of historical context, body politics and power deployment. Part III will shift the focus back to the current debate on “Taiwan Shan” by contextualizing the issue in local politics and history. It will trace the emergence of “Taiwan Shan” as a sartorial naming in Taiwan for the purpose of differentiation under Japanese colonization. It will also argue why the design and promotion of “Taiwan Shan” in the present discourse of globalization as the new clothes of both the nation and the empire makes itself a (post) national mission impossible.

Keywords:decolonization, globalization, imperialism, empire, modernity, na-tional dress, ethnic fashion

合法的奴工、法外的自由；外籍勞工的控制與出走／藍佩嘉(64民 95.12 頁 107-151)

本文的出發點是以下的經驗謎題：為何依契約聘僱的外勞被困在合法奴工的處境，反而是所謂的「逃跑外勞」在非法雇用關係中享有較高的薪資與較好的勞動條件？「逃跑外勞」的社會問題化，反映出台灣對於外籍客工的高壓控制與人身規訓。本文探討三個客工制度的主要控制機制及壓迫效果：一，台灣政府透過配額管制及權利收束來維持外籍客工在時間上的過渡性、空間上的固著性；二，短期客工的招募過程是高度商業化的、受跨國仲介業所主導；三，台灣政府剝奪移工在勞動力市場中流動的自由，將其分派在人身從屬的邊緣生產位置，也強化了仲介與雇主的鉗制力量。在這個高度管制的跨國勞動力市場裡，仲介交易的不只是勞動力，更包括配額、工作機會、護照等可轉換為高利潤的「虛擬商品」。對於移工來說，合法地位與契約關係，與其說提供了保護的措施，反而更接近協助奴役的機制。如此政策管制的結果是，處罰了依法工作的移工，並間接促成移工逃跑、追求法外自由的現象。

關鍵字：外勞、移工、逃跑外勞、非法外勞、仲介、虛擬商品

This paper departs from this empirical puzzle: Why are migrant contract workers trapped in a circumstance of “legal servitude” as opposed to the situation that undocumented migrants gain higher wages and enjoy enlarged freedom? The problematization of “runaway migrants” mirrors the stringent control and discipline imposed upon migrant workers in Taiwan. I underscore three major mechanisms of control in the “guest worker” system: quota controls and other rules that render migrants transient and immobile; aggravated competition among recruitment agencies; and deprivation of the freedom for workers to transfer employers freely. In such a highly regulated market, multiple forms of “fictitious commodities” have been created, such as quotas, job orders and passports. As a result, the state regulations punish those who abide by the law and induce the formation of irregular migration— undocumented migrants can escape the bondage of servitude and enjoy some “free illegality” in unauthorized employment.

Keywords:foreign worker, migrant worker, undocumented migrant, irregular migration

社會運動過程中的認同、共識動員與傳播策略／林如森(64民 95.12 頁 151-218)

2002年11月23日發生的「1123 與農共生」農民運動，聚集12萬農漁民到台北進行大規模遊行抗爭，反對政府採取「信用部分級管制」措施，讓農漁會無法生存，本次農民運動可說是歷年來規模最大，不但迫使當時的財政部長李庸三、農委會主任委員范振宗下台，行政院長游錫堃在運動過程中也三度請辭。

本研究試圖從文化脈絡來檢視傳播過程，亦即不將傳播視為獨立的運作機制，而是和文化情境、公共領域緊密互動地進行著，所有傳播過程，也就是文化整體（holistic）形塑的過程。本文嘗試透過社會運動的個案觀察，採用參與觀察、深入訪談方式，直接進入傳播發生現場，觀察進行狀況及其回饋，從實際中探索傳播的進行狀況，尤其是特定文化間的關係，以發掘認同、共識動員與傳播的動態關聯。

本文結論指出：成功的傳播策略，透過媒體建構議題，將爭議點推升至公共領域層次論辯，足以影響政府公共政策的決策。例如，運動組織者「全國農漁會自救會」在媒體刊登一則陳水扁也拿了農會獎學金、暗指總統不懂得「吃果子拜樹頭」的道理之廣告，讓總統及黨政官員頻頻「滅火」，沒幾天，就「政策急轉彎」，宣布暫緩實施信用部分級管制措施。研究者在探討公共領域議題建構時，發現政府「政策急轉彎」，與當時的「意見氣候」相當強勢有關聯。從這個觀點分析，印證此一社會運動組織者，運用強勢的傳播策略，確實能夠喚醒認同，並激發社會運動發展過程中共識動員的能力，進一步採取集體行動。

本研究從社會運動過程中認同、共識動員與傳播策略的關聯性，作全面性探索，印證認同、共識動員與傳播策略運用得當與否有關聯。

關鍵字：認同、共識動員、傳播策略、公共領域、公共傳播、農民運動

The Farmers Movement took place on Nov. 23, 2002, known as “1123 Coexist with Farming” had gathered 120,000 farmers and fishermen to a parade and rally in Taipei to protest the “Classified Control of Credit Departments of Farmer Associations” proposed by the government, which is alleged to fend off the survival of farmers and fishermen associations. This Farmers Movement was largest in scale ever and had not only to force the resignations of Mr. LEE, Yung-San, Minister of Finance and FAN, Cheng-Tsung, Minister of Council of Agriculture, the Prime Minister, YU, Si-Kun had also submitted resignation for 3 times during the course of the Movement.

In this research, we tried to review the process of communication in the context of culture, i.e. we take communication not as an independent operation mechanism, but is interacting with cultural scenario, public domain closely and all process of communication is itself a holistic shaping process. We tried to observe the ongoing and the feedback through case study, in the manner of participating observation, in-depth interview and direct site involvement of communication. We tried to search the ongoing situation of communication, particularly the relationship with specific culture, so to uncover the dynamic association among identification, consensus mobilization and communication.

The conclusion of this research indicated that a successful communication strategy is Building Issues through Media, Elevating the points of disputes to the argument of public domain level to be sufficiently for influencing the decision making in public policy. For example, the organizers “National Farmers and Fishermen Associations” put an advertisement on newspaper alleging that President Chen Shui-Bian had received scholarship from Farmers Association. It indicated tacitly that the President failed to be grateful. It led the President and officials of ruling party and the government busy in putting off fire. Within few days, the policy detoured rapidly and announced the suspension of Classified Control of Credit Department of Farmers Association.The researchers had found in the building of issues in public domain, the rapid change of government policy is related to the substantial strength of Opinion Climate. Viewing from this angle, it proved that the strong communication strategy employed by organizers of the social movement did awaken identification and stimulated the consensus mobilization capacity in the development process of the social movement and formed a collective action.

In this research, we made full scale research, verified the identification and consensus mobilization is linked with proper employment of communication strategy.

Keywords:identification , consensus mobilization , communication strategy , public

台社評論

希望之苗：反思反貪倒扁運動／趙剛(64民 95.12 頁219-265)

反貪倒扁運動於2006年九月九日開始聚集群眾，歷經三次大型動員，於十月十一日之後，快速勢消。儘管其前途未卜，但這個運動已展現出很多重要的特質，並引發了很多重要的問題與爭議。本文嘗試以一個參與觀察者的角度，並從一個激進民主的立場，對這個運動到目前為止所展現的三個特徵（非組織性、歡欣愉悅，以及抗拒崇高性）進行討論。其次，本文將嘗試回答這個運動何以在十月十日的高度動員後，走入消沈。提出了三個原因：方向混亂，社會基礎沒有擴展，以及綠營成功打出本土牌。本文討論了本土牌的社會與文化基礎，並指出兩岸關係的最終解決是台灣民主未來的關鍵點。最後，本文比較了新世紀以來的「顏色革命」與紅衫軍運動的異同，並指出後者的當代的實質民主的激進意義。

關鍵字：反貪倒扁運動、本土優先論、群眾運動、民主、分裂的國度、兩岸關係、顏色革命

The Anti-Corruption and Anti-Chen Campaign initiated in early September 2006 went through three major mobilization peaks and went into an abrupt decline in the mid-October. In spite of its uncertain future, it is time to explore into the processes of the movement and reflect upon its strength and weakness. Three characteristics of the movement are closely examined, which are non-organizational, hilarity, and a tendency to resist the sublime. Three factors are spotted for answering why the movement fell abruptly: disorientation of the leadership, failure in canvassing broader support, and, most importantly, the strategic leveling up of “ethnic” conflict by the DPP. I argue that for a healthy and substantive democracy to grow in the future, the cross-strait relation has to find a way to break the current deadlock. Finally, the US-backed color revolutions in recent years are juxtaposed with the red-shirted movement.

Keywords:Anti-Corruption and Anti-Chen Campaign, Taiwan over all, mass movement, democracy, divided nation, cross-strait relation, color revolution

問題與討論

去政治化的政治、霸權的多重構成與六十年代的消逝／汪暉(64民 95.12 頁267-323)

往來的"眼睛"和"冷戰"之旅－從綠島到北京／丸川哲史(64民 95.12 頁 325-340)

東亞批判刊物連帶：建設東亞和平的課題／岡本厚(64民 95.12 頁 341-349)