《台灣社會研究季刊》 第68期：

一般論文

父系家庭與女性差異認同：中產階級職業婦女家務分工經驗的跨世代比較／林津如(68 民 96.12 頁 01-73)

性別化的家務分工是女性主義者所關注的焦點議題，但在台灣的文化環境下，家務工作只是夫妻之間的事嗎？婆婆、媽媽、姑嫂、姐妹與褓姆在當代台灣社會的家務與育兒工作裡扮演了什麼角色？社會變遷是否改變了分工的模式？為什麼家務分工仍舊是性別化的？

本研究以婦女的口述史訪談為資料，探討工業化之後父系家庭中、不同世代之中產階級職業婦女的家務安排。筆者論証：父系作為規範親屬關係的原則，決定了家庭裡的家務分工，但它也在工業化的過程中逐漸改變。在1970工業發展的年代裡，過去高高在上的婆婆，為確保晚年生活安全無虞，不辭辛勞地到都市中帶孫子，年輕媳婦變得有權力但又想要當個乖媳婦；核心家庭中的妻子則想要專心當個完美母親。在1999年的後工業化社會中，核心家庭的性別分工漸趨平等，但折衷家庭裡，婆婆想要留下子媳，媳婦用盡辦法形成核心家庭，訓練先生做家事，再依附姐妹或者媽媽搭配著褓姆來照顧小孩。跨世代的兒童照顧工作，由婆婆轉換為媽媽，這或許是職業婦女以搬離夫家來抗衡父系的行動，所產生的預料之外的後果，但是卻默默地翻轉了從父居的父系原則。

本文以四十位女性的家務分工經驗呈現出父系家庭之下差異的女性認同，詮釋不同親屬位置的家庭成員如何援用各種資源來鞏固或對抗父系規範，最後總結：台灣中產階級的家務安排因市場經濟與父系親屬的交互作用而產生變遷，女性在父系家庭中的差異認同及抗拒策略雖然改變了父系規範，但有限的經濟資源，卻又使得性別化的家務分工持續存在。

關鍵字：性別、家庭、父系、親屬、工業化、家務分工、婆媳關係

This paper investigates complicated relationships between patrilineal kinship, divisions of domestic labor, and women’s identities in industrial times. By analyzing the oral histories of two generations of new middle class working women with regard to their domestic arrangements, I argue that patrilineal kinship formed the basis of family interactions and affected the ways in which household chores were organized.

In the 1970s, during economic expansion, the generational hierarchy declined and young daughters-in-law gained powers. To secure their old age, rural mothers-in-law might make efforts to take care of their grandchildren in the city. However, married young women were still trapped in the struggles between generation and gender. Meanwhile, in the newly formed nuclear family, women struggled to fulfill the image of a scientific good mother. In post-industrial Taiwan of late 1990s, the young working women gained greater autonomy than their counterparts in the 1970s. They left the patrilocal family to form nuclear families of their own. In nuclear families, they educated their husband to do housework and mobilized their matrilineal ties as resistance against patrilineal kin.

This case study shows that the interplay of patrilineal kinship and capitalism contributed to the transformations of divisions of domestic labor in post-war Taiwanese families. Women’s diverse identities were shaped by patriliny and yet their resistance contributed to transform patrilocal principles. However, constrained by the limited economic resources of the elder women, the divisions of labor in contemporary Taiwan society remains gendered.

Keywords:Gender, The Family, Patrilineal, Kinship, Industrialization, Divisions of Domestic Labor, Relationships between Mothers-in-law and Daughters-in-law

身體在世：傅柯和布爾迪厄身體觀和施為者之對比／吳秀瑾(68 民 96.12 頁 75-117)

傅柯與布爾迪厄身體觀對女性主義身體觀的相關研究影響深遠，從檢討女性柔順和習慣身體的社會絡印中，呈現男權中心的歷史與社會結構。此外，衡諸於傅柯和布爾迪厄的身體觀研究，也都企圖兼顧身體所進行的社會批判與身體的社會改造，使其身體觀理論具有政治實踐性。準此，本文將探討傅柯和布爾迪厄的身體觀，試圖從中找出某些共同的社會批判的方法，主張身體在世的優先性與超越自由與決定的二元論，成為分析女性服從、愛美與性貞節的有利社會批判工具。此外，本文亦將分別探討傅柯和布爾迪厄身體觀理論中柔順身體與習慣身體如何產生能動性的問題，換言之，兩者都企圖在身體中建立施為者（agent）的概念。最後，本文將根據女性主義者企圖兼顧身體的社會批判與身體改造的能動性（McNay, 1999, 2000），進一步分析比較兩者身體能動性的優缺點。

本文的結論是：雖然McNay解讀傅柯施為者的方式不盡理想，但是，McNay對兩人高下的判斷對於女性主義身體觀的後續發展而言，仍然具有高度的啟發性：亦即將傅柯的自我科技的身體放入布爾迪厄社會習性與社會場域的物質脈絡中，因為場域的多元（各種不同的資本的分配與組合）與動態是施為者自我治理的必要客觀環境，此外，從場域的整體（象徵）權力的相對位置中，勢將呈現出不同風格的自我治理術，這些差異的生活風格更體現出高下優劣的社會等級。最後，除了必須結合傅柯和布爾迪厄身體觀理論外，還需要從性別角度來探討各式社會場域中不同自我治理術間的（象徵）權力鬥爭，尤其是持續觀察（下層）女性取得發言的權威位置的可能性，後者正是兩者共同闕漏之處。

關鍵字：施為、身體政治、柔順身體、象徵鬥爭、社會習性、身體在世

Although feminists’ concepts of the body have been greatly influenced by the analysis of body politics in the works of Foucault and Bourdieu, feminists have been studying their concept of the body in a separate way. McNay’s shift of theoretical concern from Foucault (McNay, 1992) to Bourdieu (McNay 1999; 2000) has brought out the important comparisons between them. Although McNay inclines to argue that their concept of body have more theoretical differences than resemblances, I aim to suggest otherwise, namely, docile body and body hatibus share more resemblances than differences.

The aim of this paper is to argue that docile body and habitual body (habitus) is not only similar at the surface. Deep down, both concepts of body share family resemblances. Both Foucault and Bourdieu explained their concept of body, implicitly or explicitly, through the concept of body-in-the-world, which puts an end to the prioirty of the subject on the one hand, and subsitutes the real is relational for the social substance on the othor hand. Moreover, both Foucault and Bourdieu aim to challenge all sorts of dualism (freedom/determinism; subject/structure; domination/resistance, body/mind; etc.), and to put great efforts to elaborate how body within the social constraints working its way toward the practices of freedom and action.

However, to McNay’s criticual assessments, by way of four sets of comparison, including atemporality/temporality, reflexivity/pre-reflexivity, negative paradigm/ positive paradigm, and resistant (domination)/ investment (negotiation), docile body and body habitus are different concepts with regard to the implied concept of agency. For Foucault, agent can be neither autonomus subject nor total subjection. For Bourdieu, agent incorporated with the feel of the game within social fields. To McNay’s judgment, Bourdieu’s body habitus is more satisfactory than Foucault’s docile body, because the former could provide the material contexualizations for Foucault’s technologies of the self.

But, as far as gendered habitus is concerned, Bourdieu’s body habitus becomes problematical in the sense that Bourdieu holds that women’s body habitus can not negotiate to their advantage within different social fields. The paper concludes with the promising suggestion anticipated that feminists’ works of body politics can be greatly enlightened by seeing both Foucault and Bourdieu on the body as a complementary whole.

Keywords:Agency, body politics, docile body, symbolic struggle, habitus, Body-in-the-World

反身性的道德計劃？有機食品消費之銷售組織場域與引導理念／吳品賢、王志弘(68 民 96.12 頁 119-176)

有機飲食消費是格外強調知識和反身性思維的一種消費實踐，置於生態意識和自我保健的脈絡下，可以視為一種集體與個人的道德計劃，經常需要理念論述來中介、支持和正當化這類通常較昂貴且不便利的消費型態。但徒有理念不足以自行，例行化的有機消費實踐還鑲嵌在特殊組織脈絡中，而這種組織以交換產品、訊息與理念的銷售場域為核心。消費者進入組織場域，在其運作邏輯和理念引導下，形成相互支撐和見證實效的人際網絡及消費實踐慣行。本研究依循當前台灣有機飲食消費的三種主導論述──環保、護生和健康──以及三個與之相應的有機飲食專賣店場域，探索其組織運作邏輯和理念的關聯，及其塑造的消費實踐網絡特性。本文最後討論有機消費做為反身性道德計劃的幾項難題，例如商品化、階級門檻和合作社運作困境等，另外略探本文以組織場域、理念引導和人際網絡為研究取向，對當前消費文化研究相關辯論的可能啟示。

關鍵字：有機食品、消費、綠色消費、新竹

The consumption of organic foods involves more knowledge and reflexive thinking than other kinds of consumptive practices. Considering the ecological awareness and self care/health consciousness often evoked in organic foods consumption, it can be viewed as a kind of moral project which needs ideas or discourses to intervene, support and legitimate expensive and often inconvenient consumptive acts. Practices of organic foods consumption usually embedded in specific organizations which act as fields for exchanging products, information and ideas. Consumers who enter these organizations are often guided by their operation logics and ideas, and forming networks of support and witness, then cultivate habitual consumption practices. We follow three dominant discourses for organic food consumption – environmental, religious, and health oriented – to choose three organizations as study fields and explore the relationships between their operation logics and ideas, and the characteristics of corresponding networks of consumer practices. Finally, the authors discuss the constraints for organic foods consumption as reflexive moral projects, and intervene into the debate between culture industry and consumer agency by our organization-network approach.

Keywords:organic food, consumption, green consumption, Hsinchu

從科技追趕到創新的經濟轉型：南韓、台灣與中國／王振寰(68 民 96.12 頁 177-226)

本文處理南韓，台灣與中國如何從事科技追趕，以及邁向創新之路。本文以資訊科技產業為例，來分析這三個國家的制度安排，即國家機器、金融體制與產業結構，如何影響其後續邁向創新的途徑。我將指出，南韓政府的發展私人大企業取向，造就了南韓垂直整合的產業結構，其後續的科技發展，就是在規模經濟的基礎上從事科技創新。相對地，台灣的經濟發展並不發展私人大企業，而是以中小企業為主導的產業結構，在科技學習和創新上依賴外部經濟，其後來轉型的科技創新模式傾向國家領導的網絡和聚集經濟的體制。最後，中國的科技產業發展則是以外國投資為主，是由外資帶動的科技學習，而由於後社會主義的制度安排，不利於外資與國內企業，以及大型國營企業與小型企業之間形成生產網絡，而不利於科技的進一步學習邁向創新。本文也討論由於科技路徑的關係，這些不同的制度安排，有利於某些產業而非所有產業類型的發展。

關鍵字：台灣、南韓、中國，東亞，科技學習，科技創新

This paper sets out to analyze the divergent models pursued by South Korea, Taiwan and China in regard to technological catching up and their ongoing transition toward innovation-based economies. By adopting an institutionalist perspective, this paper analyzes how the domestic institutional arrangements of each country, they are the state, the financial system and the industrial structure in each country shape their ways of technological learning and development. It is found that South Korea’s former high-debt and chaebol-dominated model favoured it to pursue a scale-based technological development, while Taiwan’s former pro-stability, SME-based model tended to favour its emphasis on a state-led innovation network-based technological development. In contrast to the former two cases, China’s development of the information technology has largely depended upon foreign direct investments. However, in the development process, the foreign sector has been isolated from the domestic firms, while the domestic industrial sectors have also failed to develop organic linkages among themselves to facilitate technological learning and generate innovation. As a result, China’s institutional arrangement has not created a favorable environment for its technologies to further develop toward innovation. This paper also shows that, due to the characteristics of technological trajectory, each model tends to favor some but not all technologies to develop in its territory.

Keywords:Taiwan, South Korea, China, technological learning, technological innovation

回應與挑戰

科學哲學在「科技與社會」中的角色與挑戰／陳瑞麟(68 民 96.12 頁227-266)

本文探討科學哲學在「科技與社會」中的角色與挑戰，並企圖回應《台灣社會研究》季刊第四十五期「科技與社會」專輯中雷祥麟的〈劇變中的科技、民主與社會〉與陳信行的〈科學戰爭中的迷信、騙局、誤解與爭辯〉兩篇大作。同期的「編輯室報告」花了近四頁的篇幅介紹兼評論兩文，總結地說他們以相當不同的理由，取消了「科學戰爭」的學院爭議的優先性，不認為於今關於實在論或是建構論熟優這個老問題還有啥好談的。

實在論與建構論之爭，是一個典型的科學哲學爭議。可是，科學哲學爭議不一定發生在哲學界。相反地，它更頻繁地發生在科學內部。「科學戰爭」其實是自然科學家對於「科技與社會」這個新興學科的懷疑與攻擊，從而引發的一場哲學大論戰。為什麼哲學爭議反而更頻繁地發生在科學內部（不同科學之間的相互質疑）？這其實已暗示了哲學爭議對於科學發展的重要性。

在本文中，我將從科學哲學的觀點來論證，哲學爭議在「科技與社會」的常態發展中，扮演著非常重要的角色。由此而帶出本文的核心問題：科學哲學在當代「科技與社會」中的角色與挑戰是什麼？為了回答這個問題，本文將討論「事實與價值的關係」這個古老的哲學議題；再考察科學哲學在當代「科技與社會」的「新社會位置」。

關鍵字：科學哲學、科技與社會、科學戰爭、事實、價值

This paper inquiries the role and challenge of the “Philosophy of Science” (PS) in the face of contemporary STS. It also tries to respond to the macroscopic articles on STS published in a special issue, the “Technology and Society,” of this journal (TRQSS, No. 45, 2002); they are Sean Hsiang-Lin Lei’s “Techno-science, Democracy and Society in Transformation: Challenges for STS” and Hsin-Hsing Chen’s “Superstitions, Imposture, Misunderstandings and Debates in the Science Wars”. The Editor’s Report in No. 45 contributed four pages to introduce and comment them. It concluded that both of the authors had eliminated the priority of Science Wars as an academic debate in terms of very different reasons; it claimed that both authors thought that the debate on realism and constructivism, which is a typical one in PS, had been no longer worthy of discussion.

Debates in PS, however, do not always occur within the philosophical academia. On the contrary, they happen more frequently among scientific fields. As a matter of fact, the Science Wars is a large-scale philosophical debate resulted from the attack of natural scientists on STS, a new born scientific discipline. Why do philosophical debates happen more frequently among different fields of science? The fact implies that philosophical debates are essential important to the scientific development.

In this paper, I shall argue, from the view of PS, that philosophical debates play a significant role even in the normal development of STS. Second, an old philosophical issue, the relationship between fact and value, will be examined. Lastly, I’ll outline a newly social status of PS in Science, Technology and Society.

Keywords:philosophy of science, STS, Science Wars, fact, value

問題與討論

越界的對話／鍾喬(68 民 96.12 頁 267-286)

解讀圍繞壟斷國企的政策博弈／張翔(68 民 96.12 頁 287-296)

美國的網際霸權：網路層、傳輸層與應用層的政治經濟分析／鍾兆真、蕭全政(68 民 96.12 頁 297-344)

程式碼是構成網際空間最基本的核心，也是行使網際權力的基礎；誰能決定程式碼的設計、分配與管理，誰就能稱霸網際空間。美國最先發展網際網路，故在網際網路普及全球前，程式碼的設計、分配與管理是由美國獨佔，但也在1990年代中期後，引起歐洲各國、日本和中共等的挑戰。

本文從歷史的角度出發，探索美國網際霸權形成的政經背景與過程，特別是其利用程式碼的控制和各種經貿政策，而獨霸整個網路世界和資訊產業。美國政府如何善用美國的政經優勢及其企業的實力，而將網際網路空間的整體架構，導向對美國政府與企業都有利的方向，將是本文的焦點；其中，涉及他國政府的權力與利益分配、競爭模式，也是本文將觸及的範圍。

關鍵字：美國、網路、霸權、ICANN、軟體產業、智慧財產權

The whole cyberspace is composed of code, which is also the core of cyber-power; who decides the design, distribution, and management of the codes, will also dominate in the cyberspace. Before the World Wide Web pervaded all over the world, the cyber-power was controlled by the United States due to historical reasons, but it has brought forth the challenges of Europe, Japan and China since the mid-1990’s.

By tracing back to the history, this article tends to analyze ‘why’ and ‘how’ the US can have owned her super power in the cyberspace and in the IT industry. Besides various kinds of economic and trade policies, the government and companies of the United States cooperated to dominate code and form the structure of the cyberspace. This analysis will be the most important part in the article; in addition, the modes of competition and the challenges from other nations will also be discussed in this thesis.

Keywords:United States, Internet, Super power, ICANN, Software, Intellectual property right, WSIS

率獸食人─從動物愛到動物權／甯應斌(68 民 96.12 頁 345-359)

研究紀要

科斯的傳媒論述：與激進的反政府論對話／馮建三(68 民 96.12 頁 361-392)

對於傳播學界，1991年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主科思（Ronald Coase）的論旨，而特別是他的傳媒觀點，有其意義。根據主流經濟學的固有看法，傳媒「內容」具有公共財與外部性兩種性質，造成市場失靈，因此，政府宜研擬合宜的傳播政策，介入傳媒市場。但科斯得獎的重要理由，正在他破除定論，鬆動外部性應由國家干預的正當性，科斯另文也挑戰公共財必定由政府提供的史實。此外，從1950至1979年，科斯分別針對傳播課題，撰寫了八篇論文，更能清晰展現他的理念，可說是激烈地反對政府介入。是以，科斯先說，公營壟斷廣播出現於英國，多屬時代精神所致，以此暗示BBC 模式出於偶然；次則質疑美國聯邦傳播委員會，指其電波公共信託模式徒然製造尋租機會；繼之，他論稱言論與一般產品並無不同，政府介入規範二者的水平，應該相當；然後，科斯再往前推進，宣稱廣告無非是言論的一種特殊類型，付費打歌是出資者無意讓閱聽人知道出資者身分的廣告，而政府對於這些廣告與打歌現象的管制效果，經常適得其反。本文引述這些論說且有所對話與批評，最後則指出，建構有效且民主的政府，仍然是面對傳媒內容特殊性時，難以迴避的選擇。

關鍵字：公共財、外部性、科斯、媒介經濟學、傳播政策

As a prestigious Nobel Prize winner in economics, Ronald Coase’s media discourses deserve specific attention. With its ‘public goods’ and ‘externalities’ natures, media ‘content’ is one key case where market fails to bring about satisfactory performance and therefore calls into the state to intervene. Coase has however made his name known exactly for his argument against the inevitable outcome of government actions whenever market ‘fails’. Five of his media essays published between 1950 and 1979 are critically reviewed. Coase considers the creation of BBC has more to do with accidents than any careful state reasoning, FCC adopts a public-trustee model to allocate radio spectrum only to provide its bureaucrats opportunities of rent-seeking, and the state has no more legitimacy in regulating speech, advertising and payola than in regulating goods in general, what’s more, in cases when the state does intervene, the ensuing results are often deteriorating, rather than improving. This paper reflects upon Coase’s radical rhetoric and concludes that, contrary to his ideal, it’s wiser and more practical to have a more effective and democratic state macro regulating the media market, not to leave market on its own.

Keywords:public goods, externality, Ronald Coase, media economics, communication policy