《台灣社會研究季刊》 第83期：
專題──視障與就業
為什麼馬殺雞？視障按摩歷史的行動網絡分析／邱大昕(83民 100.08 頁 05-36)
台灣的盲人在日治時期，除了按摩之外，還從事針灸與電療等工作。但是到了國民政府時期，台灣的視障者的工作卻逐轉變成現在的按摩工作。為什麼盲人會從事「非醫療」的按摩工作呢？本研究採用行動者網絡理論（Actor Network Theory），來分析這個「身體」與「工作」間複雜動態的關係。在本研究中我們可以看到，過去百年間法規、政府、警察、教科書、針灸電療器具、中西醫專業團體，以及視障者如何在這轉變過程中，共同形塑出現在所看到的視障按摩樣貌與內容。2008 年10 月31 日司法院釋字第六四九號解釋，宣告視障按摩保障違憲後，許多視障按摩團體希望能改變視障者就業訓練過程，重新進入醫療體系從事理療工作。然而從本研究的角度與立場來看，這雖然不是不可能的目標，但卻是個百廢待舉重新建構網絡的龐大工程。
關鍵字：身心障礙、視覺障礙、按摩、行動者網絡理論
The blind in Taiwan used to perform acupuncture, moxibustion, massage, and electrotherapy under the Japanese regime. Why did these blind physical therapists become “non-medical” massagers after the Chinese Nationalist’s takeover of Taiwan? This is the main topic to be explored in the current study. Since the current disability models are incapable of explaining these complicated relations between body and work, this study adopts Actor Network Theory as a tool to analyze and answer these questions. We will examine how government law and policy, medical professionals, blind workers and medical devices coproduce the form and content of today’s blind massage. On October 31, 2008, the Taiwan Justices of the Constitutional Court issued Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 649, which proclaimed that it is unconstitutional to restrict massage work to vision-impaired individuals. Many of the blind-massage groups now intend to retrain the blind back into medical professions. However, though not impossible, there will be a lot of work to do to rebuild the network required.
Keywords:disability, visual impairment, massage, ANT
視障按摩多元執業類型演變與按摩師弱勢型態分析／王育瑜 (83民 100.08 頁 37-93)
司法院大法官會議六四九號釋憲案主張按摩職業保留政策違憲，須修法取消該規定。法界人士批判釋憲文未能說明視障按摩師之弱勢處境，據以作為結論基礎。另方面，按摩師則表達面臨經濟困頓，因而結群靜坐，訴求現金補助。發補助金是否真能解決按摩師的弱勢處境？或者，有其他需要被解決的問題？是本文所關心的問題。本研究以質性探究取向，研究參與者包括不同執業類型的視障按摩師共30名，以及視障服務提供者共7名。資料蒐集以深度訪談為主，輔以焦點團體。本文試圖釐清按摩師的弱勢型態，期望做為未來推展貼近需求的政策與服務之參考。按摩業多年的演變，顯示按摩師為了求生存而發展出多元執業類型，其弱勢型態也呈現差異，需給予針對其所面臨問題的「對症下藥」協助。而集體層次而言，按摩師共同面臨視障按摩專業不被認可，所衍生之專業培訓、考試、職業生涯發展等等方面的限制。因此未來對視障按摩師的輔導，宜著眼於認可並提升視障按摩專業，制度上建立完整之專業培育、考核與發展機制。本研究主張，政策與服務同時處理個別與制度層面，始能協助視障按摩師脫離弱勢處境。
關鍵字：視障按摩師、執業類型、弱勢型態
Following the No. 649 Interpretation of the Constitutional Court, the policy of massage as reserved occupation for visually impaired people, will be abolished in 2011. The Interpretation has been criticized, by some law scholars, as not being able to base its conclusion on clear analyses of the disadvantages of visually impaired massage workers [VIMWs]. On the other hand, VIMWs went on a strike to ask for cash subsidies. Is giving money the only and the best solution? Or, are there other problems to be solved? This question has to be addressed, in order to liberate VIMWs from their disadvantaged positions. This study adopts qualitative approach. Participants include 30 VIMWs and 7 service providers. In-depth interviews and a focus group interview were utilized as data collection methods. This study found that the diversified working styles of VIMWs reveal the different survival strategies as well as varieties of their disadvantaged positions. Whereas, at the collective level, not being recognized as a profession, leads to inadequate professional education, examination, and career development. Therefore, to liberate VIMWs from their disadvantaged positions, assisting individual VIMWs, and developing adequate policies and services at the system level, should both be considered.
Keywords:visually impaired massage workers, working styles, the types of disadvantaged positions
保障還是限制？定額進用政策與視障者的就業困境／ 郭峰誠、張恆豪(83民 100.08 頁 95-136)
資本主義市場經濟體系當中，規格化的勞動條件往往排除身心障礙者於就業市場之外。台灣仿效德、日等國的「配額模式」，以身心障礙者定額進用的政策增進身心障礙者的勞動參與率。然而，定額進用政策的實質效果卻沒有經過實證研究的檢驗。本研究訪談33 位視障者的就業經驗，探討台灣的定額進用政策對視障者進入職場的實質影響。研究發現：在求職過程中，受健常能力偏見的影響，「視障」被認為是沒有工作能力的個體，雇主寧願聘僱障礙等級輕微，或不受「視覺」影響的身心障礙者擔任工作職務。定額進用政策固然增加了視障者的工作機會，然而，相關配套措施的成效不彰，無法改變社會環境與工作環境的障礙。即便視障者因為定額進用的政策進入職場，也不容易融入職場，不容易被長期雇用。有時候雇主乾脆讓視障者在一般工作場所從事按摩工作。而定額進用重視雇用比例，沒有考慮障礙者的差異，也導致面試與職場上不同障礙類別的排擠效應。在工作場所的互動關係上，視障者常面對兩極化的對待，不是上司、同儕過度保護，就是忽略視障者進入勞動市場所需的支持。
本研究建議，定額進用政策不該只求讓視障者進入職場，而忽略「障礙」的異質性。定額進用政策的施行，應該從社會模式的觀點出發，一方面針對視障者在職場勞動參與的不同需求作適切的安排、改善職場環境的限制、增進人際溝通的管道、提供無障礙的職場配套措施，並促進視障者同等享有一般民眾的工作待遇。另一方面解決就業的障礙，應該消除社會的健常能力的偏見、消弭對視障者工作能力不足的迷思。
關鍵字：定額進用政策、視障者、工作權、歧視、社會模式、健常能力偏見
The Taiwan government has adopted an employment quota policy which has established a fixed quota for employees in both the public and private sectors to hire people with disabilities in order to improve the participation of disabled people in the labor market. This study interviewed thirty-three persons with visual impairments and discussed the impacts of the employment quota system on them. As a result, this study demonstrates that employers usually prefer people with minor impairments and exclude persons with visual impairment. An employment quota policy increases the job opportunities for persons with disabilities; however, without proper support in the work environment, it is still very difficult for people with visual impairment to get into the labor market. When people with visual impairment enter this market, it is not easy to fit in or to keep the job, and in some cases, they are hired to work as a massager for other co-workers.
This research suggests that the disability employment policy should not ignore the diversity of disabled persons. From the perspective of a social model of disability, the policy should address the disabling environment in the workplace rather than fixed quotas.
Keywords:Employment Quota policy, visually impaired persons, the right to work, discrimination, social model of disability, ableism
去祖國：二次戰後國民黨僑務政策中的地緣政治／范雅梅(83民 100.08 頁 137-177)
本文嘗試提出一種「去祖國」的研究視角，以挑戰長期以來以祖國為中心的論述。過去對於國民黨僑務政策在台灣戰後發展的研究，論者都以祖國為論述中心，將僑務政策視為國民黨與海外華人延續過去革命情誼的工具，或將之看作國民黨為了保衛政權的手段；而在國外的海外華人研究領域中，學者們只偏重研究中國共產黨的僑務政策，對於國民黨僑務政策往往只視之為表演性的政治修辭，未能作更深入的分析。本文發軔於一個簡單的提問：為何僑務政策得以在二次戰後，在民族國家制度作為圭臬的時代氣氛中能推行成功？拒絕以祖國（即國民黨）為中心的角度來解釋僑務政策如何可能，本文憑藉Roger Brubaker所框構的概念架構，將僑務政策放在去殖民的政治脈絡中，了解海外僑社的多元種族政治如何銜接了祖國的政治招喚，以及在冷戰時期的地緣政治下，祖國性又如何在世界霸權的政治操弄下在台灣被重新建制。
關鍵字：華僑、僑務政策、國民黨在台政權、祖國政治、冷戰
This paper challenges the narrative of homeland as a central historical actor. In the existing literature, the post-war Overseas Chinese policy is either regarded as a historical legacy of the revolutionary partnership between the Kuomintang and the Overseas Chinese, or treated as an essential source of legitimacy for the exiled regime before 1979. Many scholars of East Asia prefer to focus only on the parallel policy in mainland China, dismissing Taiwan’s policy as mere political rhetoric. However, this paper starts from a simple question: how did this transnational practice fit within its larger historical context of decolonization and national formation? By extending the framework developed by Roger Brubaker, this paper illustrates how the homeland-ness of China was imposed on Taiwan through the interaction of ethnic politics in postcolonial Southeast Asia with the wider geopolitics of the Cold War.
Keywords: Overseas Chinese, Overseas Chinese policy, Qiaowu, Kuomintang regime in Taiwan, homeland politics, Cold War
男性不在場：台灣女性參政的性別階序格局／姜貞吟(83民 100.08 頁 179-240)
女性在政治場域的參與，一直是婦女運動與性別研究者高度關注的議題，並且將參政數量的增加視為政治參與性質轉變的重要關鍵，因此，關心政治與性別的學者，經常對兩性在政治參與的差異、不平等的現象提出解釋。過往研究經常以教育資源、專業技能、現代獨立來解釋現在女性參政提高的因素，但這個現代化的發展進程，卻無法完全解釋為什麼台灣女性參政比例還是無法快速增加的結構因素。本研究係以第二屆到第七屆女性立法委員為分析對象，目的在找出台灣女性參政的社會條件為何。研究發現如下：（1）台灣女性參政持續受到政治家庭與地方勢力的結構因素影響，形成「參選人才庫」的內在封閉網絡，排擠其他女性參政的可能。（2）台灣女性雖具有高教育程度與專業經歷等現代化人力資本的條件，但她們的出場仍然深受在地男性無法在場、男性不願在場、男性不准在場等性別框架所影響。（3）這三種男性不在場背後隱含了參選人才庫中的四個位階的「性別階序格局」，是一種以地方勢力與政治家庭為基礎單位，血緣、地緣跟性別為主要篩選機制所組成的階序格局模式。
關鍵字：政治參與、女性、性別、立委選舉、性別階序格局
Political participation of women is a starting point in the study of social structure of gender for many researchers. They think that increasing rate of political participation of women signifies the improvement of women’s political status. Therefore, they often explain the phenomenon of gender differences and inequalities in political participation. Previous studies often interprets the factors influencing the increase of women’s participation nowadays in politics with educational resources, professional skills, modern independence, however, this modernization process can’t thoroughly explain why the participation rate of Taiwanese women still has yet to increase significantly. This study is based on the analysis of women legislators ranking from the second to seventh terms with the aim to identify the social conditions of Taiwanese women’s participation in politics.
The research findings are: (1) Taiwanese women’s participation in politics has continually influenced by political families and the factional structures. This has resulted in “pool of candidates” inner closed network and also led to the exclusion of other women in politics. (2) Although Taiwanese women have a high level of education and professional experience and other modern conditions of human capital, but their political participations are still profoundly limited by the gender frames like men’s failure, reluctance, and forbidden to show up. (3) Behind the previous three situations in which men are absent implies the ranking gap of “matrices of gender hierarchy” existing in the “candidates pool”. This structure is primarily a screening mechanism based on the political families and local factional power structures, which is made up of kinship, geographical factors and gender politics.
Keywords:political participation, women, gender, legislative election, matrices of gender hierarchy
問題與討論
解讀《巴西，如斯壯麗》：回應台灣學界對於卡多索自傳的評論與簡介／蔡侑霖(83民 100.08頁 241-269)
巴西前總統卡多索的自傳近來被譯成中文出版後，引起一些台灣學者針對該書提出評論與簡介。當許多出身於或研究拉丁美洲的學者對卡多索的新自由主義轉型提出批判時，台灣學界的迴響顯得相當正面，不但讚揚卡多索在從政時仍持續身為學者時的關懷，也肯定他在社會正義、經濟繁榮，以及將巴西整合進全球經濟的貢獻。透過重讀卡多索的早期著作，以及回顧他的政策與政績，本文指出這些對卡多索治下的「巴西奇蹟」之正面評價，乃源自對近年巴西發展經驗的片面理解。此外，本文也認為，當討論卡多索時，其早年的立場與轉變也較少獲得關注。最後，本文試圖指出，當全球面對新自由主義全球化之際，台灣學界對卡多索的解讀與「奇蹟」經濟的理解經常忽略了由拉丁美洲衍生而出的反思與辯論。因此，藉由本文的討論，期待著能拋磚引玉，觸動更多對新自由主義全球化的在地批判性探討。
By reviewing Fernando H. Cardoso’s memoir, Dependency and Development in Latin America, and the relevant discussion on his policies, this paper offers a critique to the general interpretation and understanding of his early scholarship and his neoliberal reform at Brazil within the academic sphere in Taiwan. In contrast with the critical attitude from Latin American scholars, Taiwanese intellectuals in general have responded quite positively to Cardoso’s work, emphasizing his contribution to social justice, economic prosperity, and the integration of Brazil into the global economy. This paper argues that the recognition given to Cardoso in Taiwan is built on the lack of a strong, reflexive critique toward neoliberal globalization and limited understanding of the critiques from Latin America. Moreover, although Taiwan, like Brazil, is also facing neoliberal globalization, very few Taiwanese scholars examine Latin American perspectives on neoliberal reforms and recontextualize these neoliberal critiques to shed light on the processes of neoliberalization in Taiwan. In sum, in response to Taiwanese researchers’ extant interpretation of Cardoso’s early scholarship and political actions, this paper aims to posit an alternative understanding of his neoliberal reform, hoping to generate a dynamic discussion on neoliberalism in Taiwan.
左異聲響
法律如何生產性／別不平等？／許雅斐(83民 100.08頁 271-275)
極端保護觀：透過兒少保護的新管制國家與階級治理／甯應斌 (83民 100.08頁 277-291)
刑法第二三五條的法律效力：從晶晶書庫案談起／許雅斐 (83民 100.08頁 293-312)
被合法的慾望、被消失的同志：晶晶書庫案（釋字第六一七號）及相關司法實務的再思考／黃丞儀(83 民100.08頁 213-328)
「是她／他也是妳和我」：由W訴婚姻登記處一案看香港跨性別法律機器／ 趙文宗(83民 100.08頁 229-354)
