《台灣社會研究季刊》 第36期:


一九五○年代的台灣階級結構與流動初探/王宏仁(36 民88.12 頁1-36)


This paper discusses the relationship between ethnicity, education and occupation in the first part. Regarding the ethnic educational and occupational difference, it argues that a family's socio-economic status is far more important in affecting next generation's mobility than state's subsidy policy. In the second part, it discusses the initial conditions of different classes which was formed by the state's policy in the 1950s. It tries to understand the life chances for different classes to mobile at that time.

國族想像的權力邏輯:試論五○年代流亡主體、公領域與現代性之間的可能關係/趙彥寧(36 民88.12 頁37-84 )


Through analyzing cultural texts such as political propaganda, policies regarding and works of popular literature (as officially coined "anti-Communist literature"[fangong wenxue]or "literature and arts of combating"[zhandou wenyi]), as well as personal files of military personnel, this paper seeks to highlight linkages between exercise of state power, construction of public culture, and ramification of modernity in the fifties Taiwan—an era that is commonly termed that of "White Terror." In particular, it attempts to show these linkages as manifested in the constitution of the diasporic subjectivity. It argues that, through certain specific means on both levels of individual and collective identification, the diasporic subject of the fifties could manage to suture itself with the hegemonic state power, and the state could possibly imagine itself as the only legitimate representative of both mainland China and Taiwan. Of particular interest in this paper are means of "fisheye lens by detour of technology" and that of "developing pure evil through heterosexuality," as both coined by the author. In the former case, by detour of visions mediated through "modern technology," especially that should theoretically bring about continually accumulative product in terms of either life (such as that involved in constructing the Central Cross-Island Highway) or death (such as that of military forces), the grandeur of the state could be turned into spectacle and then identified by its subjects. In the latter case, by positing heterosexuality as the predicate of both virtue and authenticity, the pure evil of Communism could be made representable.


新聞紙的壟斷生產與計畫性供應,1945-1967/程宗明(36 民88.12 頁85-122 )


Though newsprint rationing was a worldwide common practice after the War, the Nationalist regime in Taiwan exploited it, coupled withan import substitute policy of newsprint production monopolized by the state, to achieve double political objectives. On the one hand, this party-state groomed a patrion-client relationship with local capitalists. One of the mechanisms involved is that some publishers' newsprint quota was more than their actual consumption levels, they therefore sold the difference in the market and made profits, such illegal behaviours then invite themselves to fall into a trap where they had no choice but to cooperate with the state. On the other hand, since the dissident press had to purchase newsprint at a higher price with insufficient advertising revenues, they ended up having to bring into capitals associated with the KMT and gradually lost their grip or even ceased publication.



公民結社的結構變遷:以台灣非營利組織的發展為例/顧忠華(36 民88.12 頁123-146 )



Under Martial Law, although the Taiwan's government did not rule by totalitarism" and KMT's authoritarism" allowed the market freedom, it still imposed a lot of restrictions on civil non-economic associations. Meanwhile, there was not a civil society" to take balance with the state in Taiwan. After lifting Martial Law in 1987, besides the political democratization, the most obvious structural transformation" is the emergence of civil associations. More and more non-government, non-profit organizations are established. They try to affect many kinds of public policies, provide welfare service, and even replace some public functions of government. This essay attempts to understand and explain the cultural meaning represented in this phenomenon by the development of non-profit organizations(NPOs)in Taiwan. It is suggest that autonomic associations can most directly present the movement of civil consciousness, and be indicator of social self-governance. Therefore, while NPOs become more and more active, it means that there is gradually a civil society" formed in Taiwan. Compared with East-European countries, this experience has dual importance in theory and practice. About the framework of this essay, first, I will make reference to the legal condition of civil rightduring that time, and analyze the consequence of the suppression of civil activities. Secondly, I try to observe the track of NPOs' development in recent decades in Taiwan and their characteristics presented in the process of social movements. Finally, taking some theoretical perspectives from other researchers explains the interconnective relations between NPOs and social self-governing, to verify that Taiwan's civil society and political democratization were formed simultaneously, and to find out the possible contribution by which they provided in the future.

Keywords:freedom, civil society, social movements, non-profit organization (NPO), social self-governance


實現你的明星夢:台灣婚紗照的消費文化分析/李玉瑛(36 民88.12 頁147-186 )



This paper regards that the consumption practice of the wedding photography in contemporary Taiwan is a social practice. Although consumers are apt to be decided by the structure, they also can appropriate consumption for their own interests. Most Taiwanese women inevitably take the wedding photographs before the wedding ceremony, however, they also appropriate the chance of taking the wedding photographs to try on beautiful dresses to experience the transformation of socially constructed beauty. At the same time, they deconstruct the myth of beauty and realize that the so-called 'beauty' is fabricated. Furthermore, female consumers also experience pleasures in the course of taking the wedding photographs, for instance, gratifying women's vanity, experiencing the-queen-for-a-day, visualization of intimacy. Those experiences are transient indeed, however, it is worthwhile of having been. Nevertheless, the wedding photographs can be served as narcissistic use for female consumers all the time.



地方政府的隱身:論台灣音像政策的特徵,以歐美為對照/馮建三(36 民88.12 頁187-220)


The power of making audio-visual policies in Taiwan is nearly exclusively reserved for the central government. Bearing this feature in mind, this essay examines the Broadcasting Act, the Film Act and the Cable Act and takes note of the fact that local governments have been bestowed with more power on audio-visual matters during the past two decades. In comparison with practices prevailing in the USA and member countries of the European Union, this increase is however negligent. As such, clashes between the central and local governments over rights of allocating broadcasting resources arise since 1990 when some local elections were won by the party opposing the ruling Nationalists. To conclude this paper, the author ponders the prospect whether local governments may grab part of the power and provide more public broadcasting services.